International Journal on Criminology Volume 2, Number 1, Spring 2014 | Page 49

The Impact of Victimological Theories on the Rights of Crime Victims in France contested this “art of blaming the victims.” This in itself gave rise to an initial and very productive epistemological break, without which victimology would undoubtedly not have survived. Wishing to understand the harm done to women as a whole, they set up victimization inquiries (following the very popular model of the self-confession investigations reserved for possible criminals). The results were unique and highly relevant. They allowed the first “profile” of victims to be drawn up, permitted systematic examination of the reasons for which victimization is not reported, and allowed for a clear description of the stigmatizing experience inflicted on victims by the legal apparatus in its wider sense. Based on these successive achievements over a matter of just decades, victimologists from the 1980s onwards developed scientific approaches to the hidden side of crime, using constantly updated knowledge from the neurosciences, psychology (in the wider sense), sociology, and recently, restorative victimology. The latter, with its global approach to the criminal phenomenon, seems able to reconcile the various penological and criminological doctrines, which some still see as strictly opposed and incompatible. In fact, available research confirms the true proximity between the protagonists, at least as concerns the infractions of our basic social values (crimes and serious offenses involving violence, deception, or force). 4 They are shown to be close in terms of instability and vulnerability (which may be personal, emotional, familial, educational, professional, social, cultural, or spiritual), as well as in relationship terms (in the vast majority of crimes against people, the protagonists know one another). These shared types of vulnerability, in environments that may be unavoidable (the family), coincidental (school and peer group), or chosen (living environment), often make the roles of victim and perpetrator interchangeable, creating an almost fatal cycle which our exclusionary societies are unable to break (or do not wish to, where the causes are known). 5 Such social brutality, which is intolerable in a democracy, must give rise to essentially preventative criminal and penal policies, and where these fail, to policies of resocialization. Anyone wishing to engage in scientific study of this subject, without giving in to background penal populism, knows very well that penalties depriving perpetrators of their freedom, although necessary for serious offenses (which account for 20% of criminal convictions—and therefore 0.5% of offences—in France), are extremely counterproductive in fighting recidivism. This is true as concerns the time in prison itself (Kensey and Tournier 2005; Kensey 2007; Tournier 2010; Kensey and Benaouda 2011) and also as concerns the cross-disciplinary or multiprofessional individualization of the sentence, which is essential for progressive and effective reintegration 4 It is useful here to remember that French criminal law does not explicitly define criminal offenses other than via a classification by seriousness (as crimes, offenses, and infringements (article 111-1 of the French Penal Code). In its criminological sense, “crime takes the form of a breach of a value established as fundamental for the human, cultural, and social wellbeing of members of a group in which the conflict emerges,” (Cario 2008, 191). 5 The first victimologists were not unaware of most of these different factors. They included the random allocation of the roles of criminal and victim, fair and full compensation for victims, multidisciplinary clinical assessments, and the importance of protagonists’ vulnerabilities. Nevertheless, given what is known today, science cannot validate the emphasis that “victimology of the act” places on the fault of the victim (particularly in cases of sexual violence against women) or “predispositions” (specific or general) to become victims. 47