International Journal on Criminology Volume 2, Number 1, Spring 2014 | Page 34
International Journal on Criminology
Myanmar
Viewed from Bangkok press,
"Among the candidates who won in the
South-east Asian nation’s first election in 20
years on Nov. 7 [2010] are six well-known
drug barons. They represented the Union Solidarity
and Development Party, the junta’s
political front, which triumphed comfortably
in the poll" 47 .
For the U.S. Department of State
"[Birman] policy of folding ethnic armed
groups into quasi [state]-controlled [border
guard forces—BGFs] complicates anti-narcotics
efforts as BGFs are often complicit, if
not active protectors, of illicit drug production
and trafficking. [...]. […] [Government]
officials are likely aware of the cultivation,
production, and trafficking of illegal narcotics
in areas they control" 48 .
"Many inside Burma assume some
senior government officials benefit financially
from narcotics trafficking, but these
assumptions have never been confirmed
through arrests, convictions, or other public
revelations. Credible reports from NGOs and
media claim that mid-level military officers
and government officials were engaged in
drug-related corruption; however, no military
officer above the rank of colonel has ever
been charged with drug-related corruption" 49 .
"The Burmese government considers
drug enforcement secondary to national
stability and is willing to allow narcotics
trafficking in border areas in exchange for
cooperation from ethnic armed groups and
militias" 50 .
"Political arrangements between traffickers
and Burma’s government allow organized
crime groups to function with minimal
risk of interdiction" 51 .
Nicaragua
According to two 2006 U.S. diplomatic
cables released by WikiLeaks, organized
crime and state seemed to have followed
a partnership pattern.
"In 1984 Daniel Ortega [at power from
1979 to 1985, Head of state from 1985 to 1990
and since 2007] negotiated a deal with Colombian
drug kingpin Pablo Escobar whereby
Escobar received refuge for several months in
Nicaragua after he had ordered the killing of
the Colombian Minister of Justice. At the same
time, Escobar's drug trafficking operation received
Ortega's approval to land and load
airplanes in Nicaragua as they sought to ship
cocaine to the United States. In return, Ortega
and the FSLN [Sandinista National Liberation
Front] received large cash payments from
Escobar. [The] Interior Minister […] and his
subordinates went so far as to assist Escobar
with the loading and unloading of drugs onto
his airplanes in Nicaragua. The Drug Enforcement
Agency (DEA) managed to place a hidden
camera on one of Escobar's airplanes and
obtained film of Escobar and Ministry of the
Interior officials loading cocaine onto one of
Escobar's planes at Managua's international
airport. CBS news later broadcast the film" 52 .
"Daniel Ortega and the Sandinista
have regularly received money to finance
FSLN electoral campaigns from international
46
Ibid., footnote 32.
47
IPS, “Junta’s Drug Exports to China test Economic Ties”, December 31, 2010.
48
Department of State, International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, Vol. I, March 2012, 144-147.
49
Department of State, International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, Vol. I, March 2013, 114.
50
Ibid., 112.
51
Department of State, International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, Vol. II, March 2013, 77.
52
Cable #63026, May 5, 2006. http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cable/delitos/abusos/regimen/
Daniel/Ortega/elpepuint/20101206elpepuint_35/Tes
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