Insights
In Micronesia , we live in an important part of the world . For islanders , our importance is tied to notions of homeland , families and the physical relationship to the islands themselves . For others , our importance lies in the struggle for influence and strategic advantage . It is not a new story , but in 2022 the story is about China and the United States .
In Micronesia , we don ’ t all have the same relationship to the United States nor China . As a territory of the United States , Guahan cannot have a relationship with China because it is “ owned .”
Palau , the Marshall Islands and the Federated States of Micronesia , as freely associated states , can have relationships . Two decided to have relationships with Taiwan instead . Moreover , all three have defense obligations to the United States .
In Micronesia , we don ’ t really have relationships with each other except through China or the United States . Migration to Guahan is allowed by the United States . There is almost no migration among the three FAS ; they don ’ t have offices in each other ’ s countries . Their relationship with each other within the region seems to be almost via the American connection . Island leaders will say this is not true , but the realities of trade relationships , assistance , migration patterns and military presence say otherwise .
In Micronesia , there is a Micronesian Islands Forum , which succeeded the Micronesian Chief Executives Summit .
Members include the leaders of Guam , the CNMI , Palau , the Marshall Islands
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The FAS negotiations with China , Compact impact in the background and nuclear issues in the foreground
and the FSM and its states , Chuuk , Kosrae , Pohnpei and Yap . Many of the resolutions are about asking for more money and programs from the United States . Major political or social issues seem to be avoided . They last met in July 2019 .
The United States ’ negotiations with the FAS on the renewal and revision of the compacts ’ funding provisions are drawing major attention . Of course , the primary factor is the Pacific-wide series of Chinese initiatives to enhance their strategic position and weaken the American presence . Kiribati and the Solomon Islands recently signed agreements to facilitate the possibility of a Chinese military presence .
One response is for the United States Institute of Peace ( USIP ) to study China ’ s influence on the FAS . USIP is a congressionally funded organization , which is independent of the State Department but offers timely studies on U . S . relations with the rest of the world . I was a part of the recently released report and served as a co-chair .
The report announced concern with China ’ s initiatives , but mostly included recommendations to strengthen the relationships as being “ interdependent ” in nature . It also recommended facilitating stronger intra-regional Micronesian
These Islands
By Robert A Underwood
relationships with the territories and the need to address Compact-impact aid . In reality , it is not at the foreground of the document .
The preponderant message is that signing an agreement is necessary for both parties . Military facilities will be built in the FAS outside of Kwajalein . There will be increases in financial support . Perhaps the most important point is to see the FAS-U . S . relations as a model for the rest of the Pacific .
While there is no direct threat from China to enter the region formally , the way the United States treats the FAS will serve as a model of how America sees the Pacific islands . If they are treated as vassal states , then all the rhetorical flourishes in the world about “ respect ” and “ regard ” won ’ t mean much . If they are treated respectfully , the future for the U . S . in the rest of the Pacific could be more amicable .
This is not to disguise real problems . The Marshall Islands is insistent on dealing with the nuclear issues left over from conducting tests in the islands during World War II . The total tonnage of the testing in the Marshall Islands is over 100 times that which occurred in Nevada . Yet , over $ 2 billion has been paid for Americans to be compensated for testing inside the U . S . The Marshallese are supposed to be satisfied with $ 150 million from the previous settlement . Even accounting for citizenship , it is hard not to see the imbalance .
The Eighth Pacific Islands Leaders Meeting with President Biden was scheduled toward the end of September . This would be the first meeting at this level for the island nations . Simultaneously , the White House was slated to release the U . S . Policy Toward the Pacific Islands . The tone of these meetings and the issues identified as critical to the U . S . in the policy document will be the test of sincerity and acknowledgment of the Pacific islands ’ view of these multi-lateral relationships .
The United States should forge a Pacific island presence in collaboration with all Pacific island states in the promotion of a free , independent and sovereign Indo-Pacific . The division of the Pacific into spheres of influence with Australia , New Zealand and France cannot go forward .
We should have spheres of collaboration in which the Pacific island voice is prominent . The United States should provide a common test of sovereignty to the independent Pacific and the colonial Pacific as well . Perhaps that is a bridge too far . But it is the bridge to a free , independent and sovereign Pacific Ocean region worthy of the name “ Pacific .”
Dr . Robert Underwood is the former president of the University of Guam and former member of the U . S . House of Representatives . Send feedback to anacletus2010 @ gmail . com .