Identidades in English No 1, February 2014 | Page 47
Thus, the closed alliance the government has with the
African-American community had an incalculable,
geo-strategic value because it constituted political
progress amongst a U.S. elite the Cuban authorities
could use to discredit or render ineffective the democratic rhetoric of subsequent governments. This was
not only about the race issue, but also about political
conflict, in general. It was an alliance whose projection went far beyond an issue as specific as raciality.
This alliance began to fracture when in 2011 a group
of African-American intellectuals signed a public letter of protest against the unjust incarceration of Cuban
civic activist Darsi Ferrer RamÃrez.
The rupture became complete when we had our politically themed meeting. The new, African-American,
civic sensibility towards Cuba that arose from it
makes possible a political alliance between blacks on
both sides of the Florida Straits. In some way, it is like
a return to the hope of 1959, when first steps were
taken to establish connections between both communities.
This is how an extremely important readjustment in
Cuba-United States communications took place; it is
essential in more than one way. The Cuban government has managed to control relations between the
two countries in two basic ways: State-State and Statecivil society. This worked against Cuban civil society
because of its structuring and legitimating power,
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which is even more important. For Cuban civil society
to recuperate these ties not only means it recovers its
legitimacy, but also has an impact on a crucial debate:
the issue of Cuban sovereignty as seen by the citizenry
and the restructuring of a modern State.
This is seminal for the issue of race and racism. Civil
struggles in Cuba regarding issues of race and minorities on the island, autonomy regarding identity, its
presence on the global scene, its full legitimation with
other black communities in the Americas and around
the world, and the recovery of their own political rhetoric are gaining strength with all the support they are
receiving. This highlights, emphasizes and puts into
perspective a basic tool we have for finding a solution
to the problems of subalterns: solidarity regarding
identity (some like to call it ethnic solidarity) and the
support of the power elites.
The struggles of the underdogs who get doubled support from their historical and cultural peers are almost
always rewarded with victory. Thus it was with struggles in Africa and even in the United States, and thus
it will be in Cuba. This means we should maintain an
unfettered, transparent relationship with U.S. civil society, in general, and with the African-American community, specifically.
We had a late but great start in that direction with Federica Wilson.