taking the offenders to the court . From 2011 to 2016 , the racist structures in these core areas of the sociopolitical game have been resized . The worst part is that they are crystallizing amid their own corporatization due to the doubly limited nature of the modernizing reforms . For CIR , it is not surprising that the continued reproduction of structural racism leads to acts of racial discrimination that impact — and occasionally scandalize — the same cluster of cultural actors who work — or claim to work — against racism and discriminatory practices . This vicious circle becomes unsurmountable within the actual paradigms of the State .
At what stage are we up to 2016 ? The racial inequities in the labor market are becoming abysmal . The inequality within the whole social fabric is very worrisome , especially among the increasingly poor black people , who are marginalized from the main enclaves of the emerging economy , whether state or private . There is no political will for keeping a statistical record of racial distribution in the different types of self-employment , but a simple sociological observation shows that people of African descent are under-represented in the positions of better opportunities and hardly benefit from a decent work to improve their quality of life . In general , the Afro-descendant community is undercapitalized . It has neither the professional skills that are now profitable in the economy nor enough resources to address the uncertainties and challenges of the economic reforms . So , it remains caught in the net of poverty . Meanwhile , the Cuban prisons are still populated mostly ( 70 %, per unconfirmed statistics ) by African descendants . The timid economic reforms intensify the inequalities and are structuring the new economy on racial grounds .
African descendants come back to the old structure of trades during the republic before 1959 in both the public and the private sector . The hinges that lock the social mobility in the basic economic sectors : applied knowledge , digitized services , and middle and high income jobs , are closed on the very threshold for the African descent , who are displaced to the peripheries of both society and economy . The shift in urban sociology , a portentous movement within the white sector of the high middle class , bureaucratized and connected to the power , implies a neoconservative revolution . Its strategic impact on the social , economic and political reconstruction of the city is only comparable to the 20s and 30s of the past century . The unique and important difference is that the economical profitable assets were not created by this new class , but acquired by its members for free . Now such assets are serving as sources of an original accumulation of capital . Thus , it adds another disadvantage : the starting point for the two sectors is different . People of African descent would have to accumulate by working hard what others have obtained by inheritance . Hence the abyssal restructuration of the economic racism . Some progress has been made in the research on Cuba ' s racial problems by the Cuban Institute of Anthropology , the Center for Psychological and Sociological Research , the Latin American Social Sciences Institute and the Cuban Institute for Cultural Research Juan Marinello , among others . However , there is no open discussion in the public sphere . Many of the findings of these investigations are guarded as State secrets , particularly those related with the policies on cadres . Some findings recognize that there is an overrepresentation of African descent and mestizos in the impoverished groups , the lower income families and the
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