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taking the offenders to the court. From 2011 to 2016, the racist structures in these core areas of the sociopolitical game have been resized. The worst part is that they are crystallizing amid their own corporatization due to the doubly limited nature of the modernizing reforms. For CIR, it is not surprising that the continued reproduction of structural racism leads to acts of racial discrimination that impact— and occasionally scandalize— the same cluster of cultural actors who work— or claim to work— against racism and discriminatory practices. This vicious circle becomes unsurmountable within the actual paradigms of the State.
At what stage are we up to 2016? The racial inequities in the labor market are becoming abysmal. The inequality within the whole social fabric is very worrisome, especially among the increasingly poor black people, who are marginalized from the main enclaves of the emerging economy, whether state or private. There is no political will for keeping a statistical record of racial distribution in the different types of self-employment, but a simple sociological observation shows that people of African descent are under-represented in the positions of better opportunities and hardly benefit from a decent work to improve their quality of life. In general, the Afro-descendant community is undercapitalized. It has neither the professional skills that are now profitable in the economy nor enough resources to address the uncertainties and challenges of the economic reforms. So, it remains caught in the net of poverty. Meanwhile, the Cuban prisons are still populated mostly( 70 %, per unconfirmed statistics) by African descendants. The timid economic reforms intensify the inequalities and are structuring the new economy on racial grounds.
African descendants come back to the old structure of trades during the republic before 1959 in both the public and the private sector. The hinges that lock the social mobility in the basic economic sectors: applied knowledge, digitized services, and middle and high income jobs, are closed on the very threshold for the African descent, who are displaced to the peripheries of both society and economy. The shift in urban sociology, a portentous movement within the white sector of the high middle class, bureaucratized and connected to the power, implies a neoconservative revolution. Its strategic impact on the social, economic and political reconstruction of the city is only comparable to the 20s and 30s of the past century. The unique and important difference is that the economical profitable assets were not created by this new class, but acquired by its members for free. Now such assets are serving as sources of an original accumulation of capital. Thus, it adds another disadvantage: the starting point for the two sectors is different. People of African descent would have to accumulate by working hard what others have obtained by inheritance. Hence the abyssal restructuration of the economic racism. Some progress has been made in the research on Cuba ' s racial problems by the Cuban Institute of Anthropology, the Center for Psychological and Sociological Research, the Latin American Social Sciences Institute and the Cuban Institute for Cultural Research Juan Marinello, among others. However, there is no open discussion in the public sphere. Many of the findings of these investigations are guarded as State secrets, particularly those related with the policies on cadres. Some findings recognize that there is an overrepresentation of African descent and mestizos in the impoverished groups, the lower income families and the
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