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historically inhabited by Afros, due to its socioeconomic profile. The reason for this “anomaly” stems from the fact that these births occurred at Maternidad Pardo, which was located there and was the usual institution to which poor women went to give birth, even from as far as Villa Soldati. The overwhelming majority of Afro-porteños (74.11%) can be attributed to the process of gentrification to which they’ve historically been subjected. The presence of 112 people who were polled in Matanzas does not prove that their elderly lived there since colonial times (Agostino 2012a and b). According to oral history, they arrive at the IDB (Inter-American Development Bank) neighborhood when the housing complex (pavilions) in Villa Soldati, on the outskirts of the porteño area, they called Villa Cartón (Cardboard Town) due to the materials used to build their walls. It was a flood-prone area next to the municipal dump. The land (19 hectares) belonged to the Municipality of Buenos Aires, which ceded it to the National Government in 1967, according to a Plan for the Eradication of Villas de Emergencia (Shantytowns) to build the Soldati Urban Complex in 1971. The eradication was carried out in stages and was concluded by 1973. Around the 1950s, evictions from communal housing in central porteño neighborhoods like Monserrat had begun. The acronym IDB was the name given another neighborhood for working-class people in the Conurbano Bonaerense’s constant process of urbanization. Some Afro-porteño homes in other Matanzas locations are the result of IDB neighborhood families having to move due to the housing shortage. The data regarding those who work reveals a high number. There are two soccer players, two sanitation workers, four cooperative employees, and one employee at the National Congress. Afro-Argentines are traditionally employed in these sectors, but this is not stated in the only scholarly work on the subject (Colabella 2012). In adding the percentages of formal, informal, and independent workers, etc., the highest number of all is that of the unemployed (35.86%), which is evidence of the extent of the group’s economic vulnerability. The coincidence in the fact that 100% of those polled were not registered as Afro-descendant in the 2010 Census has an antecedent that was partly revealed in the 2005 Pilot Study’s results (Stubbs and Reyes 2006). The chapter “Selección de las Áreas para la Aplicación del Operativo” [Selection of Areas for Application of Instrument] explains that the Monserrat and Santa Rosa de Lima neighborhoods were chosen from a large group of areas proposed by the involved NGOs, among them La Matanza. We were able to clarify this issue when interviewing Lucía Dominga López, President of the Casa de Cultura Indo-Afro-Americana “Mario Luis López” (Santa Fe), because her entity worked on the Pilot Study. Although the IDB La Matanza neighborhood was proposed, and might have been chosen, the INDEC decided to 92