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Latin American countries have become significantly interested - economically and politically in Cuba’s future system, which has begun to take
off in the wake of lifting travel restrictions for its
citizens and providing better telecommunications
service.
It is also noteworthy that more than just neighbors
are catching a whiff of the advantages in this attempted change: the Castro government’s improved disposition has captured the attention of
the European Union, which on February 10th,
2014, decided to renew efforts to find a plausible
way to work with Cuba that would facilitate commerce and investment, and institutionalize a dialogue about human rights.
The “Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement” is anticipated towards the end of 2015; but
the Cuban position on this attempt to support market reforms and human rights has been adamant:
change in Cuba will not come about as a result of
external pressure.
This ratifies the government’s conviction regarding its foreign policy.
Unquestionably, if this cooperation agreement
becomes a reality, the benefits for Cuba would be
greater in the political arena than the economic
one: a way of showing the United States its diplomatic ability to gain formal international acceptance of its economic model and
governmental structure. Cuba would once again
be able to challenge the U.S.’s position that it has
to bring about regime change as a requirement for
consolidating any diplomatic tie. With this significant international recognition, Cuba is insinuating that it is also time for Washington to tune into
Havana.
In further exploring the affinity between Colombia and Cuba regarding Tropical Peace, one
should take note of the recent Community of
Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC)
Summit in Havana towards the end of 2014. It
proved that the island nation has once again positioned itself as an important country within the international community that strikes a cautious
balance among the divergent interests of so many

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of the zone’s States and attempts to foment emergence of a regional voice free of ideological underpinnings. Despite the fact that this attitude on
the part of Cuba has been acknowledged, in general terms, it should be seen with some reserve,
because - ironically - we have yet to see a coherence between the Cuban government’s internal
functioning and what it has endorsed during international meetings.
Following this gathering, the CELAC Summit’s
organization concluded its proceedings in Cuba
with the “Proclamation of Latin America and the
Caribbean as a Zone of Peace.” Beyond simply
consolidating an instrument that supports peaceful relations amongst the region’s countries, Cuba
- as host and participant - was also able to
strengthen its desire to show itself as an ambassador of peace.
When the definition of Tropical Peace mentions
that governments “promote a regional harmony
that is not in keeping with its internal order,” the
question should be: How does a country construct a peaceful environment for everyone
else, without being at peace with itself? In considering the logic implicit in the Tropical Peace,
the short answer is supported by the popular saying: “God helps those who help themselves,”
but without the religious connotation. A good
starting place for finding the relevant interpretation of the phrase can be found in President Santos’s position: “It is time to get beyond a paralysis
that leads to stubbornness, for the good of the Cuban people.”
Uttered during the opening address of the 2012
Summit of the Americas, it is useful to observe
the supplicant tone with which Santos spoke on
behalf of good relations with the Cubans, for it is
they - the Cuban populace - who are often forgotten by those who debate the Cuban situation and
focus solely on the country’s institutional workings. However, as is the case with all political
rhetoric, the message goes beyond being an altruistic reference, and is aimed at one particular receptor: the United States. The Colombian
government’s effo 'G2F