IDENTIDADES 1 ENGLISH IDENTIDADES 2 ENGLISH | Page 50

Economic Cross-Dressing Hidelbrando Chaviano Montes Attorney and journalist Member Agramonte Current of independient attorneys Havana, Cuba I n Cuba, the promulgation of the Labor Code must still wait: it is not a very urgent matter. Yet, the recently approved Foreign Investment Law is urgent: it means new money, more jobs and, perhaps, even possible economic growth. This is the life preserver that Cuba is seeking from heretofore hated transnational companies that years past were accused by those with glorious beards and khaki green of being responsible for the poverty of all the continent’s countries, their illiteracy, unemployment, hunger and ill health. The first country to contradict this absurd idea was the Republic of Haiti, the first country in America to achieve independence. At the time of their splendor, transnational companies were able to do nothing at all there. It is a country lacking resources. It is so lacking resources that even the effort to apply new technologies faces the challenge of an almost non-existent, qualified labor force. Despite its early liberation from colonialism, and its plague of neocolonial and neoliberal, transnational companies, Haiti was poor and will continue being so now, perhaps precisely because it never had transnational companies and, above all, because it never had a decent government in all its history. Corruption and violence scared away any potential investor. Without exception, all the other Latin American and Caribbean countries suffered a similar fate. After independence, their governing caudillos, despots, ignorant military men, and irresponsible and extravagant socialists took them over. The pinnacle of this disaster took place in the sixties, 50 when communist guerrillas inspired by and on account of the Cuban Revolution, cropped up. These caused any investors to leave, as they preferred more peaceful places for investing their money. Only after certain countries in America tried liberal policies was any economic development or reduction in violence possible. Furthermore, even militant leftist governments and converted Marxist ex-guerrillas, whose political convictions and own lack of skill, have respected the ‘free’ market as the only way out. Even the y have seen the benefits of more market economies, and less socialist populism, of more development and less poverty. Now let us focus on Cuba, a country governed by a small, hegemonic group founded upon an extremely political formula against free enterprise. Even after it managed to rid Cuba of the last vestiges of capitalism in 1968, the numbers the Cuban government offered the Comisión Económica para América Latina (CEPAL) reveal a level higher only than that of the Caribbean’s small islands or some Central American countries. In some cases, it doesn’t even bother to report information, as is the case with investment levels. After several decades of State monopoly of goods and people, Cuba’s communists have realized that they need money, technology and capitalist experience to create capital—it doesn’t matter if they are Chinese or Swedish. They are unabashedly stripping off their socialist trappings. The result is State capitalism or cross-dressed socialism, and this is not the first time this has happened somewhere in the world and it has never worked.