IDENTIDADES 1 ENGLISH IDENTIDADES 2 ENGLISH | Page 39

their reversal. They are using the intelligence, forbearance and abilities they’ve always had, that in addition complement their solidarity as a group and the virtue they developed over centuries of marginalization. This last element is the foundation of their greatest strength. The skeptics may not agree with this unproven but plausible hypothesis; the always prejudiced will say that if this economic improvement were true, it would not have come from personal effort or any kind of work at all, but from illegal activities. Naturally, in considering the two points of view, the first one deserves much more of our attention, since it is abundantly clear that it is not poor Cubans, but rather the political, economic (and mostly white) leaders and administrators who currently prosper from illegal activity and corruption. To the poor go the fruits that the black market and other legally marginal strategies left to them so they can eat badly. Despite the fact that survival of this sort is hard to come by without engaging in some sort of daily illegality, I am referring to people whose lot has improved by dint of their work, creativity and other individual resources. The likely sources A number of different self-employment opportunities have been increasing the kinds of jobs that blacks and mestizos are determinedly taking up in Havana, something that the inattentive may have missed or not seen. Some of these jobs are becoming quite noteworthy and impactful. Such is the case with passenger transport (taxis), businesses, cooking and other public services. These are just a few examples of occupations that have come about due to the ability to have small, private businesses. The ability to do nothing other than basic labor, almost always relying upon one’s physical strength, e.g., in construction, dock work or as a bodyguard, is becoming a thing of the past. It isn’t that they aren’t doing this particular sort of work, anyway, which is not demeaning, in and of itself. What seems significant to me is that they have expanded their work possibilities at the same time they are leaving less remunerative jobs with the State. This is precisely what has begun to improve their situation. Just like any other Cubans during this critical period, blacks, too, see themselves driven to abandon their professions and take up less qualified but better paying employment. In their case, specifically, this may imply having to abandon the fruits of their academic studies, something they accomplished by dint of great sacrifice, given their families’ impoverished situations. Common among them are stories of parents who worked extremely hard so that their children could finish university-level educations (because despite the fact they don’t have to pay tuition, there are many other significant costs). Once the Special Period started, many of them had to set aside their medical and engineering degrees and work as bodyguards for the nouveau riche. They were driven by urgently needing to support themselves and their families. It might be useful to clarify that the bodyguards in Havana are not just thugs or bruisers, but rather more like mediators of the positive energy between danger and their patrons. They are there, with their bosses, representing a warnin