IDENTIDADES 1 ENGLISH IDENTIDADES 2 ENGLISH | Page 13

Crimes of Information and class and gender in Cuba and the world Racism Manuel Cuesta Morúa Historian and political scientist Spokesperson, Progressive Arc Party (Parp) National Coordinator, Nuevo País Platform Member, Citizens’ Committee for Racial Integration (CIR) Havana, Cuba ccording to Octavio Paz’s excellent book Las trampas de la Fe [Traps of Faith], Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz suggested it was always important to reflect upon the smaller things in life to learn a great deal about society. I would like to use this almost epistemological perspective to delve into the subject of racism in Cuba and its controversial relationship to a right that is not and should not even be under debate: the right to express one’s opinion. As is it more or less known, I was arrested at the end of January 2014, at the time of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Summit in Havana, for trying to organize an alternative forum within civil society. The arrest would be—and was—just one more anecdote about repression within the broader context of a failed attempt to squelch the vital impulses that characteristically and naturally emanate from our society. It is important to note that the State considers society to exist only as an autonomous space. If not for this distance, we find ourselves before the phenomenon of socialized States that A are something other than society—as a reflection of social totalitarianism. Yet, my arrest stopped being just an anecdote when the regime tried to end the incident with a strange political move that, like all projections, ended up subconsciously revealing the government’s important thinking on two matters—the first, its structural negation of the value of opinion (opinion is like a plurality of opinions, or a diversity of views); the second, the legal trappings that disguise its racist policies. I would like to focus on the second of these matters. The dissemination of false news—of which I was accused—and enemy propaganda or the supposed leaking of information to foreign powers or countries can begin being used as legal evidence to contain the increasing intellectual or political criticism of structural racism on the island. This is similar to what is done with ‘social dangerousness’ and racial profiling, which allows for the incarceration of the marginal—mostly blacks from the lower classes—because they constitute a threat to the racist order the white criollos instituted in Cuba since time immemorial. 13