Harvard International Review | Page 55

Raising The National Profile 55 S oft P ower Summer 2014 • H A R V A R D I N T E R N A T I O N A L R E V I E W and At the 1964 Olympics, the first broadcast globally, Japan used the opportunity to showcase itself as a comeback nation after the devastation of WWII, and to presage its rise as an economic force in the global economy. In 2020, Japan will again host the Summer Olympics, this time sending a message of renewal after economic recession and devastation by tsunami and nuclear meltdown. South Korea’s hosting of the World Cup (jointly with Japan) in 2002 was an effort to announce its arrival as a serious globalized country. Even more so was China’s hosting of the 2008 Olympics when Beijing wanted to change its national image from Tiananmen Square to the Bird’s Nest stadium. The narrative of the opening evening’s ceremonies was a carefully constructed set of soft power images of Chinese civilization, emphasizing its ancient cultural achievements and neatly side-stepping its Maoist past. A potential problem with hosting a mega sports event in today’s globalized media environment is that the host country cannot control the message received. One recent example clearly elucidates this: Russia hosted the winter Olympics this year and has won the right to host the World Cup in 2018. Putin tried to turn the winter games into a triumph for Russian soft power. More than US$50 billion was spent by the Russian government and Russian compa- nies on preparing and hosting the games. Intense security measures prevented a terrorist incident, but initial press coverage focused on the mixed quality of Russian hotels, the round-up and killing of Sochi’s stray dogs, and the exorbitant costs. The opening night’s cultural and musical performance, not unlike that in Beijing, presented the story of Russian civilization, not Soviet communism (except for a few images of tractors and steel mills), focusing on famous Russian composers and authors. It seemed that Putin had pulled off a soft power success, only to sully it almost immediately with his use of hard power in Crimea and Ukraine; deteriorating living conditions as well as human rights concerns were also similarly corrosive to the ideal image that Putin had attempted to paint through its hosting of the global event. The world watched as Brazil prepared for this summer’s World Cup and then the Olympics in 2016. When Brazil was awarded these events, the country’s President Lula hailed the moment as the arrival of Brazil as a global player. Press stories leading up to the World Cup focused on the lack of readiness of many of the facilities, on the sorry state of Brazil’s hotel and transportation infrastructure, and on the protests which broke out over the costs of the sport facilities in contrast to the state of Brazilian education or transportation. The New York Times reported that preparations for the Olympics are the furthest behind schedule in modern Olympic history. Brazil might well come to regret the global spot light that comes with hosting these international sporting events. Individual sports stars and the success of national teams, moreover, can also raise a nation’s profile. The success of Japanese baseball players such as Hideo Nomo and Ichiro Suzuki in the US has been important to improving Japan’s international image. Two Japanese relievers, Koji Uehara and Junichi Tazawa, played highly visible roles in the Boston Red Sox’s winning the World Series in 2013. In Los Angeles, a cohort of 10,000 Korean Americans attend Dodger stadium whenever South Korean pitcher Hyun-Jin Ryu takes the mound, and millions more watch as the games are televised live in his home country. The Dodger’s first great Mexican pitcher Fernando Valenzuela lifted Mexican pride as “Fernandomania” took hold on both sides of the border. Asian women athletes such as South Korean golf star So Yeon Ryu, or Shansahn Feng, the first woman from China to win an LPGA tournament, and her rival Taiwan star Yani Tseng, as well as the Japanese women’s national soccer team have altered the image of Asian women. Chinese teenage golfer Guan Tianlang played at the Masters, and exemplifies the change in Chinese sports development from a state run system to the private country clubs of the rising middle class. International tennis stars Serena and Venus Williams are a loud and clear global message of the rise of female athletes in the United States. The national pride and media attention that sports figures receive allow such athletes to become prominent spokespeople for public issues, and of course, to endorse commercial products for S ports , D iplomacy Mao, and the subsequent signing of the Shanghai Accord which led to formal normalization under President Carter. Sports diplomacy worked well in the context of serious diplomacy by both governments’ efforts towards normalization of relations. Subsequent attempts to play the sports card at the highest levels of diplomacy have been less effective. During the Clinton administration, the President tried baseball diplomacy with Cuba, approving a 1999 trip by the Baltimore Orioles to play in Havana. Clinton also used wrestling diplomacy with Iran, sending the US team to compete in Tehran. Unfortunately, differences between the two countries and internal politics were not conducive to rapprochement through sports diplomacy. Similar attempts at sports diplomacy have also proved elusive to other nations. In 2008, Turkey’s president, Abdullah Gul, visited Armenia to attend the TurkeyArmenia qualifying soccer match in Yerevan. It was the first time that a modern Turkish leader had visited Armenia, and it seemed to signal a new willingness from both countries to resolve differences and normalize relations. International press coverage hailed it as “football diplomacy,” but the issues of the Armenian “genocide” and Nagorno-Karabakh proved too difficult, and the opening was not followed with diplomatic success. Such examples show that replicating the success of US-Chinese ping-pong diplomacy seems unlikely and, unfortunately, a rarity in international relations. Far more common are the ways in which the globalization of s