Global Security and Intelligence Studies
of the early twentieth century , that world history is driven by the perpetual conflict between land powers ( Eurasianists ) and sea powers ( Atlanticists ), which will last until one of them is destroyed ( Barbashin and Thoburn 2014 ). In reference to Mackinder ’ s “ heartland theory ,” which suggested that control of Eastern Europe would hold the key to the rule of the world , Zbigniew Brzezinski argued in his 1996 book The Grand Chess Board that America shall prevent a unification of the Eurasian landmass by fostering independent states in Central Asia in order to preserve U . S . hegemony . Dugin therefore argues that Russia must unite Eurasia to defeat the main enemy of Atlanticism . In particular , he proposes three political axes to achieve this goal : a Moscow – Berlin axis , a Moscow – Tokyo axis , and a Moscow – Teheran axis . In deviation from classical geopolitical thought , Dugin defined Russia as a civilization , picking up Samuel P . Huntington ’ s theory of a “ clash of civilizations .” Similar to Huntington , who identified Russia as the core state of an “ Orthodox civilization ,” Dugin argues that Russia has no choice but to be an empire as it is not a racially uniform state . “ A repudiation of the empire-building function … would signify the end of the Russian people as a historical reality , as a civilizational phenomenon . Such a repudiation would be tantamount to Russian suicide ” ( quoted from Dunlop 2004 ).
Dugin sees the Eurasianist project as an alternative to “ Americanisation , Westernisation , and globalization ” and proposes a “ model of world order based on the paradigm of unique civilisations and Great powers . It presupposes the creation of different transnational political , strategic , and economic entities united regionally by the community of common geographic areas and shared values ” ( Dugin 2012 , 80 – 81 ). American hegemony or Atlanticism would be replaced by concepts such as multi-polarity , Great Spaces , and Great Powers . Eurasianism or the unification of the Eurasian space would be Russia ’ s destiny and historical mission . In terms of geography , Eurasia would include the countries of Central and Eastern Europe , Manchuria , Xinjiang , Tibet , Mongolia , and the Orthodox parts of the Balkans ( van Herpen 2015 , 76 ). It could stretch “ from Dublin to Vladivostok ” ( Bassin 2007 , 293 ). In effect , the geographical space of Eurasia that Russia seeks to dominate would be significantly bigger than the Soviet Union , which has resulted in fears by Eastern European states of Russia ’ s renewed imperial ambitions .
Putin seems to have followed Dugin ’ s argument when he declared at the Munich Security Conference in 2007 : “ I consider that the unipolar model is not only unacceptable but also impossible in today ’ s world . And this is not only because if there was individual leadership in today ’ s — and precisely in today ’ s — world , then the military , political and economic resources would not suffice . What is even more important is that the model itself is flawed because at its basis there is and can be no moral foundations for modern civilisation ” ( Putin 2007 ). Putin pointed out that the U . S . imposes “ economic , political , cultural and educational policies ” on other nations , asking rhetorically : “ Who likes this ?”
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