European Policy Analysis Volume 2, Number 1, Spring 2016 | Page 27

European Policy Analysis different adaptation (fast-start finance, green climate fund, and insurance mechanisms) and mitigation (global CO2 tax, involvement of emerging economies in mitigation, expansion of clean development mechanisms and carbon markets, and prevention of deforestation) mechanisms proposed by Switzerland. In sum, we had three different policy networks: first, the domestic decision making about policy instruments to be introduced under the CO2 law between 2002 and 2005; second, the preparatory phase of the Cancun negotiations; and third, a combined network of actors involved in both processes through collaboration relations. For the latter (see Figures 1 and 2), there are three sets of actors worth mentioning at this stage: First, one category of actors involved in both processes seemed to be strongly integrated, but linked to their peers only: the green NGOs WWF and Greenpeace (GP) to pro-ecology actors; and the two business representatives Economiesuisse and the Petrol Union (PU) to proeconomy actors. These actors thus demonstrate the link between the national and the international policy processes, but were however only closely linked to members representing the same actor type on the national level. Inputs from international negotiations may thus only be shared with national actors having the same policy preferences. Second, one group of actors was only formally involved in the international preparatory phase, and had very few links to national decision making. This group consists of science and insurance representatives dispatched at the left end of the graph, such as Swiss RE, Meteo CH, or ETHZ. Third, the most important role was played by the Federal Office for the Environment (FOEN), which seems to hold both networks together. The FOEN could thus be a potential policy broker within both networks, what will be elaborated below. Results B efore concentrating on actors’ collaboration, power, and preferences, we focus on the question of who participated in both processes. As illustrated in Table 1, only 12 actors participated in both, Swiss national and foreign climate policymaking. This corresponds to half of the actors involved in international negotiations and one third of the actors involved in national decision making. Three of them are industry and private sector representatives; three are scientific institutions; two are green NGOs; and four are federal agencies (see appendix). Collaboration Within and Across Networks In both networks, we asked actors to indicate with whom they collaborated strongly during the respective decisionmaking processes. Furthermore, and for the second survey about the preparatory phase of the Cancun negotiations, we asked actors to also indicate with whom they shared collaboration links in the former national decision-making process about the CO2 law between 2002 and 2005. Even though those two processes happened at two different times, we could identify which actors were involved in both domestic and foreign policymaking. 27