ecology EcologyofEverydayLife | Page 9

INTRODUCTION 3 number of people in the U.S. cannot afford quality organic produce enjoyed by middle and upper-class peoples, nor can they afford the time, cost, equipment, or transportation to take pleasure in the vistas of ‘nature’ by vacationing in national parks—no matter how much they might like to. Each community, rich or poor, has its own struggle for quality of life. Activists in Harlem fight for a clean and beautiful neighborhood park for their children to enjoy, while also organizing campaigns for dean air. In turn, intrinsic to indigenous struggles for ecological sustainability are attempts to protect meaningful cultural practices that are also threatened by capital-driven poverty and ecological devastation. By reducing the ecological agenda of others to issues of need, ecological activists miss the opportunity to redirect their own desire for an ecological quality of life in a more radical direction. In fact, the desire for an ecological way of life among both poor and privileged peoples carries within it the nascent demand for an ecological sodety, a demand that has potentially revolutionary implications. For, once we collectively translate this desire into political terms, we are able to challenge a global system that immiserates most of the world’s inhabitants, forcing them to forgo their desires, lowering their ecological expectations to the level of mere survival. Keeping a desire-focus within the ecology movement keeps our demand for satisfaction, vitality, and meaning alive, invigorating our ability to envision a socially and ecologically desirable sodety. What is more, a needs-focused agenda directs our attention away from the qualitative dimensions of everyday life that are so crudal to ecology. Ecological activists need not repeat the same errors committed by the old left which emphasized issues of quantitative need over matters of qualitative desire. Marx believed that a universal condition of material need caused all sodal strife and injustice. Accordingly, Marx asserted that after material inequity was abolished through the revolutionary process, sodal relations would be automatically improved, restoring quality of life to realms outside of labor as well. Marx could not have antidpated the degree to which capitalism would invade and erode the realm of home and the everyday in the post-war era. Again, for Marx, it was primarily the sphere of work that was poisoned with alienation, and it was there'that he placed the locus of his theory. The sixties brought a needed challenge to Marxist theory. Groups such as the Situationists in France, as well as sectors of the American New Left expanded their focus to address the encroachment of capitalism into everyday life. The New Left’s emphasis on such qualitative domains as sensuality, art, and nature stood as a response to Emma Goldman’s apocryphal warning to Marxists decades before: “If I can’t dance, in your revolution, I’m not coming.” As these movements illustrated, a focus on desire keeps our eyes on the