ecology EcologyofEverydayLife | Page 63

ECOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE 58 activists, such as Cynthia Hamilton, have consistently named capitalism as a primary force behind ecological and social injustice. Women in the environmental justice movement became a source of inspiration to white ecofeminists who, by the mid-1980s, were at a loss for how to reconstitute an activist base for the movement. Indeed, in contrast to the ecofeminist movement which was constituted in national anti-militarist campaigns, women involved in the fight for environmental justice were engaged in community based, struggles for cultural and ecological justice tied to everyday issues ranging from land rights to toxic waste. Yet while white ecologists have often been drawn to the work of environmental justice activists such as Winona La Duke, often seeking their endorsement of the movement, ecofeminism per se has not held significant appeal or relevance to women engaged in local struggles for community and cultural survival. Women in these movements tend to identify as ‘community5 or ‘environmental’ rather than ‘feminist5 activists. Though the two groups are primarily led by women engaged in ecological concerns, there has been little overlap between environmental justice organizing and ecofeminism. In turn, the continuing segregation of communities of color and white communities, combined with unresolved tendencies toward white bias within feminist theory, have greatly impeded the formation of coalitions between white ecofeminists and women of color active in the environmental justice movement. Within this context, WomanEarth represented an important moment in ecofeminist history. Recognizing that a multi-cultural, multi-racial project such as WomanEarth would require intentional and careful planning involving both white women and women of color from the beginning stages, WomanEarth signaled an attempt by ecofeminists to address racial constraints that hindered the movement from fulfilling its potential. Rare moments such as WomanEarth reflect the racialized context of ecological politics in the U.S., complexifying abstract notions of ‘woman5 and ‘nature5 that lingered within ecofeminist theory during these years. There has been considerably greater overlap between ecofeminists in the North and women in South engaged in development discourse. This coming together was originally facilitated by two international conferences sponsored by the United Nations (UN) Decade for Women designed to provide forums in which women could meet to discuss their economic and social status in an international setting. Launched in 1975, the Decade for Women intended to trace the improving status of poor women in the Third World during the ten years of a UN funded development campaign. However, the research instead revealed that the lives of many poor women had actually worsened during the ten years, as women had to bear not only the declining economic conditions