Drink and Drugs News October 2016 | Page 13

More policy analysis at www.drinkanddrugsnews.com ‘The initial stress on reintegration through employment, enforced by withdrawal of benefits, had in senior government circles morphed into a more appealing label: “recovery”.’ In this, Labour was not just catching up with Scotland but also with the Conservative opposition. In July 2007 David Cameron’s ‘New Conservatives’ had released the fruits of their addictions policy think-tank. In contrast to Labour’s strategy, ‘recovery’ was the banner for its overarching philosophy. For treatment in particular, ‘The ultimate goal... should be recovery and rehabilitation through abstinence.’ It required ‘radical reform’ entailing a move away from substituting legal for illegal drugs and ‘facing the fact that abstinence is the most effective method’. Not much survived of what would have been an expensive shift to residential rehabilitation and the structural reforms the report saw as needed to pursue recovery. But recovery itself, and the associated abstinence objective and denigration of maintenance prescribing, became embedded in Conservative thinking – and with the advent of David Cameron’s government in 2010, in national policy. The strands later to be woven into the English version of recovery had, however, been gathering several years earlier, prompted in the mid-2000s by the felt need to make economies in addiction treatment and contain public spending – especially the welfare benefits on which the patients overwhelmingly relied. Though total funding was increasing, per patient funding had been falling for several years when in 2005 an ‘effectiveness’ strategy developed by the National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse (NTA) complained of the ‘lack of emphasis on progression through the treatment system’ leading to ‘insufficient attention... to planning for exit’. Foreseeing a time when funding would be less available, the agency’s board was told that ‘Moving people through and out of treatment’ would create space for new entrants ‘without having continually to expand capacity’. Opposing the previous stress on retention – the yardstick on which services were then being judged – in 2007 this new emphasis on treatment exit was given an unwelcome boost when the prevailing crime-reduction justification for investing in treatment was challenged by the BBC on the grounds that treatment should be about getting people off drugs. There was no gainsaying the seemingly incriminating fact that in England in 2006/07, just 3 per cent of drug treatment patients had been recorded as having completed treatment and left drug free. The shock of that challenge and the economising turn away from retention to treatment exit fed through to the following year’s national drug policy. Announcement of a three-year standstill in central treatment funding until 2011 – a real-terms cut when the caseload was expected to rise – further focused attention on squaring the circle by getting more patients to leave as well as enter treatment. By then firmly linked to the term ‘recovery’, in 2014 the emphasis on treatment exit remained in government circles, eliciting a robust defence from the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD) of long-term opioid substitution therapy for heroin users. The following year the Conservative Party’s election manifesto made it clear that the council’s message had been rejected, continuing in the name of ‘full recovery’ to condemn ‘routine maintenance of people’s addictions with substitute drugs’. Mike Ashton is editor of Drug and Alcohol Findings, http://findings.org.uk. This article is abridged from http://findings.org.uk/PHP/dl.php?file=reint_recover.hot&s=dd which offers links to source documents and also explores the meaning of recovery and its implications for treatment services. www.drinkanddrugsnews.com legal eye Nicole Ridgwell of Ridouts answers your legal questions I'm abo