Diplomatist Magazine Diplomatist October 2019 | Page 11

SPECIAL REPORT
regions like China, South Korea, Vietnam and
Japan, strategic realignment in the periphery of
the Far East are some of the factors heightening
the strategic signifi cance of this part of Russia.
It may be underlined here that realizing the
potentiality of Far East as a strategic region the
then Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev outlined
his “Asia-Pacifi c” vision at Vladivostok in July
1986. The strategic contour of the speech is
proving true in recent year as this part of Russia is
becoming the new “strategic economic corridor”
for Russia’s external engagement.
As analysts argue there is a significant
correlation between the global geopolitical
developments along with its impact on the Far
Eastern geo-economics. As has been discussed
above, the growing competition over the Arctic
region among various external actors are also
heightening the importance of the region. Few
additional security challenges like the one of
growing millitarisation of the adjacent Indo-
Pacifi c region is also posing a direct and indirect
threat to the Russian security interests. Though
there is a great deal of bonhomie between Russia
and China, at the same time, the former, is also
pushing for greater engagement with Japan also.
This is happening despite the fact that the Kuril
Islands dispute is acting as a stumbling block
between Moscow and Tokyo. Along with this,
the United States’ obsession (in the line of Alferd
Mahan’s dictum of “Sea Power”) to get a foothold
in the neighbouring Indo-Pacifi c region is also
generating a sense of anxiety for Putin.
Some of these above narratives are providing a
strategic framework, to understand the dynamics
of the geopolitics of the Far Eastern region and
its spillover eff ect on the strategic approaches of
Russia. The Russian policymakers on the other
hand, in recent years, have also taken a number
of steps to make the Far Eastern region as a
viable economic unit of the country. Moscow
took this initiative to ensure huge Foreign Direct
Investment (FDI) in this part of Russia. In addition
to this Moscow is also interested in harnessing the
natural resources to ensure equitable development
of the region.
The emergence of Eastern Economic Forum
(EEF) in 2015 is one such attempt on part of
Russia to navigate its foreign policy in the
post-Crimean crisis. As Russia faced massive
fi nancial crunch along with sanctions, it outlined
the “Asia Pivot” policy just to expand its sphere
of infl uence in the Asian region. Along with this,
Russia, also eulogized its own version of “Monroe
Doctrine”, in the form of “Greater Eurasia”, aimed
at stretching its geopolitical imaginative border
beyond the post-Soviet space.
The fruition of EEF as an important regional
economic bloc since 2015 is such an attempt
to navigate Russian foreign policy in the Asian
security framework. As has been observed, EEF
is not only aimed at “building bridges” with the
adjoining rising economies of the world along
with augmenting the existing infrastructure of this
region. This will also facilitate greater integration
with mainland Russia. It is in this context Kremlin
launched its new policy known as “Pivot to the
East”.
India’s engagement in the Far Eastern region
can be understood in the context of its overall
strategic partnership with Russia. Over the years,
New Delhi is also becoming an important player
in the Indo-Pacifi c region which borders the Far
Eastern region. These two vectors are providing
a strategic framework for examining India’s
engagement, in the Far Eastern part of Russia.
Far Eastern region of Russia is quite signifi cant
for India because of its possession of rich natural
resources like oil and gas resources along with its
strategic location. As analysts argue the capital
city of Far Eastern region, Vladivostok, can be
a major hub for Indian industries for voyaging
into the emerging markets of Indo-Pacifi c. As
enunciated both at offi cial and unoffi cial levels,
the proposed maritime trade route, connecting
“Chennai and Vladivostok” raises much hope,
that the geographical isolation which India is
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist • Vol 7 • Issue 10 • October 2019, Noida • 11