Diplomatist Magazine Diplomatist January 2019 | 页面 9

GLOBAL CENTRE STAGE
President Trump’s
decision to withdraw
half of the US troops
from Afghanistan
increases security risk
for Indians working
in Afghanistan and
might lead to a surge
in terrorist attacks
against India.
South America and it’s increasing
assertiveness in the South China
Sea (China has territorial disputes
with Japan, Vietnam, Malaysia,
Philippines, Brunei, Taiwan and
others) there is broad convergence of
India’s and America’s Strategic Vision
for the Indo-Pacifi c region. However,
both countries ‘expectations from
an open and free Indo Pacifi c region
aren’t identical; PM Modi succinctly
outlined India’s vision at the Shangri-
La Dialogue in June 2018.
A debilitating trade war is on
between the US and China; in fact,
it’s an intense jostling for global
domination and supremacy between
the current superpower and the
emerging superpower. Interestingly,
it off ers greater leeway to India. For
the fi rst time in history, the world’s
3 largest economies namely the US, China and Japan want
India to be on their side and have closer relations with her.
In a way, it’s an acknowledgement of India’s emergence as
a major player to reckon with (fastest growing economy, a
huge market for the foreign goods and attractive destination
for foreign investment). If it’s going to be the Century of Asia,
it can’t happen without India.
Notwithstanding the above, India and the US have their
share of diff erences. Under Donald Trump, the US, the mother
of Globalisation is turning inward and erecting protectionist
walls. The negative impact of Global warming and climate
change is for real. Still the world leader, simply exiting from
the COP 21 Paris Climate Change Agreement doesn’t behove
the US.
None can fi nd fault with Trump’s emphasis on America
First; that’s why he was elected by the Americans and that’s
what is expected of him. By the same logic, every leader
has to put his/her country fi rst be it Narendra Modi or Xi
Jinping. But if all the leaders keep on harping on their
respective Country fi rst, there will be neither International
agreement nor any international order. Therefore, there is
no option but to keep exploring middle ground and create
what Modi calls a win-win situation. Trade imbalances ought
to be addressed; there are institutional mechanisms to take
care of such issues; shouting through tweets isn’t the most
professional or appropriate manner to resolve trade-related
issues. As President Obama said at the Hindustan Times
Summit in Delhi in Oct 2018, Foreign policy is a serious
business; it can’t be conducted through 260 characters of
twitter. If pursued imaginatively & intelligently Trump’s
‘America First’ and Modi’s ‘Make in
India’ can coexist provided the two
sides follow the spirit of Modi’s
Mantra: Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas!
Publicly mimicking and ridiculing
the elected PM of 1.3 billion people
betrays lack of maturity, sensitivity
and internationally accepted norms
of behaviour by the Head of States.
For warmer relations with India, the
US President should be sensitive to
the public sentiment.
Extra-territorial application of
CAATSA (Countering American
Adversaries Through Sanctions Act)
for doing business with Russia and
Iran poses a serious problem. While
Defence supplies from Russia are
vital for national Security, Iranian oil
is crucial for India’s energy security.
A temporary exemption isn’t a
permanent solution; the US has to open a wider window to
accommodate India’s long term national interests.
President Trump’s decision to withdraw half of the US
troops from Afghanistan increases security risk for Indians
working in Afghanistan and might lead to a surge in terrorist
attacks against India. It’s a calibrated political decision of
the Indian government not to put Indian boots on the ground
in Afghanistan. But India has invested nearly $3 billion
in Afghanistan in developing infrastructure including its
Parliament building and training and capacity building
facilities; India’s contribution is appreciated by Afghan people
and the government.
In the US, there is bipartisan support in the Congress and
the Senate for closer relations with India. In India too, both
the UPA and NDA governments have been strengthening
relations with the US.
The Harvard Political Report of Nov 2018 carries sage
advice for the US administration:
“If Washington is committed to developing a strong
partnership with India, it will have to forego its transactional
method of dealing solely with economic issues for an
approach that focuses on long term economic and strategic
benefi ts.
Washington should understand that the economic and
the strategic are always enmeshed. A stronger India is in
America’s best interests. But for India to become stronger,
it must also become richer. The Indo-American relationship
should progress in a way that ensures interconnectedness in
both strategic and economic issues. Only then can this be the
“defi ning partnership of our century.”
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist • Vol 7 • Issue 1 • January 2019, Noida • 9