Diplomatist Magazine Diplomatist January 2019

GLOBAL CENTRE STAGE President Trump’s decision to withdraw half of the US troops from Afghanistan increases security risk for Indians working in Afghanistan and might lead to a surge in terrorist attacks against India. South America and it’s increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea (China has territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Philippines, Brunei, Taiwan and others) there is broad convergence of India’s and America’s Strategic Vision for the Indo-Paciﬁ c region. However, both countries ‘expectations from an open and free Indo Paciﬁ c region aren’t identical; PM Modi succinctly outlined India’s vision at the Shangri- La Dialogue in June 2018. A debilitating trade war is on between the US and China; in fact, it’s an intense jostling for global domination and supremacy between the current superpower and the emerging superpower. Interestingly, it oﬀ ers greater leeway to India. For the ﬁ rst time in history, the world’s 3 largest economies namely the US, China and Japan want India to be on their side and have closer relations with her. In a way, it’s an acknowledgement of India’s emergence as a major player to reckon with (fastest growing economy, a huge market for the foreign goods and attractive destination for foreign investment). If it’s going to be the Century of Asia, it can’t happen without India. Notwithstanding the above, India and the US have their share of diﬀ erences. Under Donald Trump, the US, the mother of Globalisation is turning inward and erecting protectionist walls. The negative impact of Global warming and climate change is for real. Still the world leader, simply exiting from the COP 21 Paris Climate Change Agreement doesn’t behove the US. None can ﬁ nd fault with Trump’s emphasis on America First; that’s why he was elected by the Americans and that’s what is expected of him. By the same logic, every leader has to put his/her country ﬁ rst be it Narendra Modi or Xi Jinping. But if all the leaders keep on harping on their respective Country ﬁ rst, there will be neither International agreement nor any international order. Therefore, there is no option but to keep exploring middle ground and create what Modi calls a win-win situation. Trade imbalances ought to be addressed; there are institutional mechanisms to take care of such issues; shouting through tweets isn’t the most professional or appropriate manner to resolve trade-related issues. As President Obama said at the Hindustan Times Summit in Delhi in Oct 2018, Foreign policy is a serious business; it can’t be conducted through 260 characters of twitter. If pursued imaginatively & intelligently Trump’s ‘America First’ and Modi’s ‘Make in India’ can coexist provided the two sides follow the spirit of Modi’s Mantra: Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas! Publicly mimicking and ridiculing the elected PM of 1.3 billion people betrays lack of maturity, sensitivity and internationally accepted norms of behaviour by the Head of States. For warmer relations with India, the US President should be sensitive to the public sentiment. Extra-territorial application of CAATSA (Countering American Adversaries Through Sanctions Act) for doing business with Russia and Iran poses a serious problem. While Defence supplies from Russia are vital for national Security, Iranian oil is crucial for India’s energy security. A temporary exemption isn’t a permanent solution; the US has to open a wider window to accommodate India’s long term national interests. President Trump’s decision to withdraw half of the US troops from Afghanistan increases security risk for Indians working in Afghanistan and might lead to a surge in terrorist attacks against India. It’s a calibrated political decision of the Indian government not to put Indian boots on the ground in Afghanistan. But India has invested nearly $3 billion in Afghanistan in developing infrastructure including its Parliament building and training and capacity building facilities; India’s contribution is appreciated by Afghan people and the government. In the US, there is bipartisan support in the Congress and the Senate for closer relations with India. In India too, both the UPA and NDA governments have been strengthening relations with the US. The Harvard Political Report of Nov 2018 carries sage advice for the US administration: “If Washington is committed to developing a strong partnership with India, it will have to forego its transactional method of dealing solely with economic issues for an approach that focuses on long term economic and strategic beneﬁ ts. Washington should understand that the economic and the strategic are always enmeshed. A stronger India is in America’s best interests. But for India to become stronger, it must also become richer. The Indo-American relationship should progress in a way that ensures interconnectedness in both strategic and economic issues. Only then can this be the “deﬁ ning partnership of our century.” Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist • Vol 7 • Issue 1 • January 2019, Noida • 9

Diplomatist Magazine Diplomatist January 2019 | Page 9