Diplomatist Magazine Annual Edition 2018 | Page 29

Knowledge Partner Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist C olombia, a tourist paradise stretching from the South American jungles *ll the shores of the Caribbean Sea, seems an unlikely laboratory for proletarian revolu*on. For the last six decades, it has been tortured by the conflic*ng ideologies of Lej and Right. The 1948 assassina*on of popular radical lejist leader and candidate for presidency, Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, resulted in bloody civil strife that wracked Colombia for 10 years. The Lej, persecuted by the establishment, regrouped in guerrilla movements. The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—Ejército del Pueblo (Revolu*onary Armed Forces of Colombia—People's Army) (FARC–EP/ FARC), La*n America’s oldest, largest and best equipped insurgency of Marxist origin, was formed in the early 1960s under the leadership of Manuel Marulanda Velez, who in 1961 declared an independent “Republic of Marquetalia” within Colombian territory. By 1982, FARC cadres numbered several thousand, reputed to be living off the drug trade. Image 10: Colombians marching for the freedom of the people kidnapped by the FARC and the ELN One important feature of the agreement related to collabora@on by the FARC in eradica@ng drug trafficking. Rich landholders, with the blessings of successive Colombian governments, formed armed paramilitary forces for protec*on. These in *me morphed into gangs involved in drug-trafficking and kidnapping. AQempts by successive presidents — Belisario Betancur in 1982, Cesar Gaviria in 1990, Ernesto Samper in 1994, and Andres Pastrana in 1999 — failed to come to a las*ng seQlement. By 2002, FARC had been granted a safe haven of 42,000 sq km, roughly the size of Switzerland, controlled by around 20,000 armed fighters. It carried out high profile kidnappings, assassina*ons of poli*cal figures and soldiers, and aQacks on civil and military targets. The guerrillas took advantage of porous borders with neighbouring Ecuador and Venezuela to evade capture and maintain supply lines. of arms by militants, and compensa*on to vic*ms. Four years later, in October 2016, La*n American leaders, accompanied by the UN secretary general, applauded as President Santos signed an agreement with FARC leader Rodrigo Londoño 'Timochenko' to end the civil war that had resulted in over 250,000 deaths and had lej millions of Colombians displaced. The poli*cal consensus behind the peace process remains fragile. A significant number of Colombians, and the right wing poli*cal forces spearheaded by former President Alvaro Uribe, were cri*cal of the pact for being too lenient on FARC Poli@cal ramifica@ons will rebels by allowing them to re- include the strengthening integrate into society, form a poli*cal of lei-wing par@es, with party, make minimal repara*ons and an injec@on of escape jail sentences. Santos, confident of having scored an demobilised guerrillas, undeniable success, submiQed the and their claims of agreement to a na*onal referendum. vindica@on. The vote went narrowly against the agreement and Santos had to save poli*cal face – and the accord – by having a slightly amended text passed weeks later by the Colombian Congress. Today, the FARC is a purely poli*cal movement and will fight elec*ons to the Congress, where they have a few reserved seats. The US was deeply involved in subver*ng lej-wing regimes in La*n America. Colombia was as an important ally. In 2000, the Clinton administra*on offered Plan Colombia, which provided that country hundreds of millions of dollars annually, ostensibly to fight drug trade. The Colombian armed forces, the main recipients of US largesse, became and remain one of the most potent in the region. Despite this, the deadly stalemate con*nued *ll Juan Manuel Santos became Colombia's president in 2010 and opened direct talks with the FARC, in August 2012 in Cuba. With diploma*c and poli*cal backing from Chile, Venezuela, Norway and the blessings of the US, preliminary talks were held in Oslo in October 2012 and in Havana thereajer. The FARC demands included agrarian reform, changes in the na*on’s economic model, free trade deals, and trials for military war crimes. The Colombian government refused to halt its military campaign against the guerrillas and claimed its economic model was not nego*able. It also included in the agenda the narco*cs trade, surrender and laying down One important feature of the agreement related to collabora*on by the FARC in eradica*ng drug trafficking. According to the UN, the area under cocaine cul*va*on in Colombia has expanded massively in recent years. The FARC commiQed to give up its narco*cs ac*vity and collaborate with government authori*es to make sure that this menace would at least be 18