can teach across multiple disciplines from the “softer” disciplines of philosophy and literature to the “harder” sciences of medicine, physics, and data science.
What cannot be disputed, however, is the rise in the number of credentialled faculty who are not tenured and must teach as adjuncts because openings for tenured positions are so limited: again, according to IPEDS data from NCES reports from Fall 1987 to Fall 2021, (excluding
medical faculty), contingent faculty as a percentage of total college faculty grew from 47 percent to 68 percent; part-time faculty as a percentage of total faculty grew from 33 percent to 48 percent; and full-time tenured faculty appointments dropped from 39 percent to 24 percent.36
This means colleges and universities are using more and more contingent and part-time faculty, and less and less tenured faculty: and that means fewer and fewer tenured faculty are teaching students, thereby evidencing there need not be tenured faculty members to ensure subjects are protected as others are clearly being relied upon to do the job. And while the argument is tenured faculty serve as stabilizing influences on the college, the reality suggests tenure is operating more as a “licensing” function that blocks competition by restricting entry into higher paying jobs.
Competition needs to enter this space, with jobs being awarded based on specified metrics established by the institution – metrics such a program interest, number of students served, increased student performance and achievement, etc.
Eliminate “Professional” Athletics, Emphasize Club Sports
Two decisions were critically important in removing discrimination in college sports: Grove City College v. Bell (1984), which ruled that Title IX’s non-discrimination and compliance requirements apply to any educational institution that receives federal financial assistance through grants provided directly to its students, thereby opening the door to women’s sports programs; and, National Collegiate Athletic Association v. Alston et al (2021), which ruled that the NCAA rules are not reasonably necessary to distinguish between college and professional sports.37 What these two rulings did not do was address the fact whether the professionalism of collegiate athletics is a good thing.
For example, Division I athletics generated $15.8 billion in revenues in 2019, according to the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), which regulates student athletics among 1,100 colleges and universities. But “even as commercial revenue streams have grown for top-billing football and men’s basketball, athletic expenditures exceed revenues at the vast majority of schools.” Additionally, “the highest-grossing college athletes reap only a very small share of the revenues they generate during their college careers. Of the $15.8 billion in revenues that went to the NCAA’s Division I athletics enterprise in 2019, only $2.9 billion — 18.2 percent — was returned to athletes in the form of athletics scholarships and 1 percent was spent on medical treatment and insurance protections. In contrast, 35 percent was spent on administrative and coach compensation and 18 percent on lavish facilities.” What’s worse is: “Division I college football and basketball players face limited prospects after college. Fewer than two percent of college football and men’s basketball athletes ever play a single game in the professional National Football League (NFL) or National Basketball Association (NBA).”38 As one can imagine, prospects for student athletes in Division II and Division III schools are even worse.
Arguments are made, of course, that such programs build community by socializing students and engaging alumni. But students who are interested in sports have long been socialized through elementary and high school sports programs; and there is no evidence
massive sports complexes and games produce significant donations. In fact, research finds:
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