to shoot someone on Fifth Avenue in New York, when acting as a private citizen); and Trump could dictate that his vice president decertify the results of a legitimate election, as Trump attempted with Pence, by arguing that his directive and Pence’s follow-through were “official” acts (though he could not do so if, as a private citizen, he marched into the capitol and demanded decertification – something absurd on its face). Each argument, presented as examples and commented upon within the decision of the Court, fly in the face of common sense; and in doing so, reveal the absurdity of it all.
Think about it: ruling the way in which it has, the Court has given Trump (or any other president, for that matter) absolute power should he be elected if and when he acts in an official capacity: he can dispatch political opponents, effectively eliminating competition; he can decertify election results, effectively eliminating the legitimate standing of the legislative branch chosen by the will of the people; and he can now ignore any future critical judgement of the Court itself, as it has given him carte blanche over any action undertaken in an “official” capacity – which would be ignoring any future ruling of the court, if not signing an act that would eliminate the judicial branch itself. The Court has allowed Trump to realize his stated desire to be dictator on day one, if not president for life. So much for the Constitution. Americans now reside in a state not of law but of men.
The Assassination Attempt & The Republican Party Convention
After the assassination attempt on Trump's life, one chance existed to change the dynamic of divisiveness: the Republican Convention, which occurred just one week after the assassination attempt.
Trump and his surrogates could have taken the high road to argue for calm, to argue against violence against political opponents or people who did not share their beliefs, to argue for decency and reconciliation. But that is not their character. They instead double-downed on their platform and approach, suggesting all was the
result of divine providence.
Because of this, Trump entered the Republican Convention an enlarged figure, almost a martyr who like Lazarus rose from certain death. Claims were being made that God had entered the fray by saving Trump from the assassin’s bullet. One Texas delegate said, “After everything he’s been through, everything that’s been thrown at him, and now he’s even shed his own blood. And he’s still here. I don’t know how else you can explain it, but God is involved.” Trump himself played up the claims, posting on Truth Social that “it was God alone who prevented the unthinkable from happening.”5 None seemed to ask themselves: if God intervenes in such instances, why did he not do the same to save Lincoln given Lincoln’s efforts to try and save the Union?
Commentators also remarked on how Trump appeared a changed man – not as defiant with
fist raised yelling “fight” as he did immediately after being shot, but calm and composed, almost emotional – given the reception he received from the crowd. Commentators speculated on whether this was a truly chastened and reflective Trump, one who would reach out across the aisle to all Americans in a call for unity. Not being noted was the fact Trump did not condemn the charged political rhetoric of speakers such as Marjorie Taylor Greene who misled the convention on jobs claims and blasted LBGTQ+ rights or Senator
Blackburn’s false claims Biden hired 85,000 new IRS agents, or the false claims of venture capitalist David Sacks who argued Biden’s actions provoked Putin’s invasion of the Ukraine. Nor did Trump disavow outright falsehoods that were presented in videos produced for the convention, such as claims of election fraud in 2020 or that Trump signed the largest tax cuts ever.
The fact Trump allowed such divisive and false claims to be promoted, and brought in surrogates to make the case, even those who were at one time rivals, suggested Trump’s
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