Different Antisemitisms: On Three Distinct Forms of Antisemitism in C | Page 34

described as “ethno-cultural” rather than “religious”.13 With a very few individual exceptions, there are no openly orthodox Jews (in terms of dress-code, etc.) in Sweden. Sweden is a highly secularized country and symbols and manifestations of religious affiliation are not part of daily life in Sweden in any case. The other significant factor in this context is the fact that public critique of Israel is almost ubiquitous in Sweden. Those groups and persons who are prone to Israel-derived antisemitism might find a kind of tacit understanding – however misinterpreted! – or even legitimization of their attacks on Jews in that framework. At the very least, many Jews in Sweden may harbour that fear. In Sweden, not least in the city of Malmö, perpetrators of Israel-derived antisemitic attacks might have felt that they are somewhat understood, if not excused, by statements by the then leading political power-holder in the city (Ilmar Reepalu, representing the Social Democratic Party). In this connection, it should be noted that actions based on Israel-derived antisemitic sentiments tend to manifest themselves in violence and threats to a much greater extent than the other kinds of antisemitism. Consequently, since carrying things that flaunt one’s Jewish affiliation, or visiting a synagogue is not so important for most Jews in Sweden anyway, but doing so might trigger attacks based on hostility and anger towards Israel, it might be understandable that many Jews in Sweden tend to avoid manifesting their Jewishness in public – even if they, as we know from other studies,14 for the most part have a quite strong Jewish identity. The purpose of those who attack Jews in Europe based on their hatred for Israel is clearly to arouse fear in the Jewish community living in these countries and they actually seem to be succeeding. This is also the idea of ISIS (Daesh): one effect of their actions is the “destruction of the Grey Zone”, i. e. to create political polarization and disturb the fabric of civil life – in this case civil Jewish life. One important point in this context is that even if violent attacks are not frequently experienced, the very fact that they have taken place – and that there is a constant threat that they may occur again! – is enough to trigger fear. This might be comparable to a pyromaniac operating in a residential area. Most inhabitants in the area, or even neighbouring areas, would feel justified in the fear that the pyromaniac would choose their house for his next attack – even if the likelihood that this would indeed happen is actually low. Nevertheless, 13 Dencik, L. (2011). The Dialectics of Diaspora. On the Art of being Jewish in the Swedish Modernity, in J. Schoeps and O. Glöckner (eds.), A Road to Nowhere. Jewish Experience in Unifying Europe, pp. 121-150. Leiden/Boston: BRILL. 14 Dencik, L. & Marosi, K. (2007). Judiskt Liv i Sverige – identitet, levnadsvanor och attityder bland medlemmarna i de judiska församlingarna i Sverige vid ingången till 2000-talet. Stockholm: Judiska Centralrådet i Sverige. 34