CS Oct-2021 | Page 18

Communist Movement :

Conference of the Workers and Peasants Party of India

Review report of the All India Workers ’ and Peasants ’ Party ( AIWPP ) formed in 1928 . The ‘ Class Struggle ’ republishes it for study .
The revolutionary elements in the Indian nationalist movement are organising themselves . They have not yet found a unified leadership . But consciously or unconsciously , they all look for it in the right direction — to the proletariat . The speeches made and resolutions adopted at a number of subsidiary conferences , that took place simultaneously with the annual meeting of the National Congress , show to what an extent the conditions are ripe for the proletariat to exercise hegemony in the struggle for national freedom .
Only a few years ago socialism was practically unknown in India . Indeed , the attitude even of the radical petty-bourgeoisie towards socialism was one of suspicion and hostility . The nationalist petty-bourgeoisie were decidedly reactionary in social outlook . Rude realities of the present , and hope for a brighter future are liberating the petty-bourgeoisie from the illusions about the dead past . Breaking away from feudal traditions , they find little solace in capitalism , which under the conditions of colonial exploitation does not offer their class any prospect of substantial economic betterment . They must gather courage to look further into the future . And there the beacon of socialism attracts their vision showing them the only way out of political suppression , economic ruin and cultural stagnation . As a result to this , the most characteristic feature of the political situation in India today is the rapidly growing popularity of socialism . All the petty-bourgeois subsidiary organisations of the National Congress profess socialism .
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It is significant that the profession of socialism by the petty-bourgeois radicals coincides with their revolt against the policy of compromise with imperialism . This shows once again the inability of the petty-bourgeoisie to play an independent political role . As soon as they attempt to break away from the leadership of the big bourgeoisie , they , in spite of themselves , tend to come under the influence of the proletariat . They do so in spite of themselves , for the pettybourgeoisie by themselves are not a socialist class . And , as they do so in spite of themselves , they are not likely to advance in the revolutionary direction unless the proletariat meet them half way and make a fighting alliance with them for the realisation of the programme of national revolution , for betraying which they are revolting against the leadership of the big bourgeoisie . Their profession of socialism should be taken as indication of the opportunity to bring them under the revolutionary leadership of the proletariat . In the revolutionary struggle for national democratic freedom under the hegemony of the proletariat , some of them are likely to be entirely declassed and become consciously socialist . On the other hand , there is the danger of their relapsing under the control of the big bourgeoisie or developing into a Socialist Democratic Party , if their objective ( unconscious ) advance towards the proletariat is not met promptly and tactfully .
The other danger of pettybourgeois radicalism crystallizing into a reformist Social Democratic Party , has been revealed by the views expressed by some leaders of the movement on such vital question as the function of the state , means of capturing political power , relation of classes , confiscation of land , etc .
A picture of the situation gives a very clear perspective of future development , and shows our tasks . It is a tug-of-war for the leadership of the anti-imperialist struggle . Which way should it develop — towards constitutional agitation under the bourgeois leadership , or revolutionary fight under the hegemony of the proletariat ? The petty-bourgeoisie , which constitute the great bulk of the conscious and active nationalist ranks , stand in the middle , willing to move towards revolution , but lacking a determined , clear-sighted , unified leadership . And as this can alone come from the proletariat , the task before us is clearly defined .
During the meeting of the National Congress the following subsidiary bodies held their separate conferences : 1 . All-India Youths League ; 2 . Swadhin Bharat Sangha ( organisation of those who suffered persecution for revolutionary activity ); 3 . Socialist Youth League ; and 4 . All India Volunteers Corps . The members of these bodies represent the most active element and majority of the Congress rank and file . Socially , they are all petty bourgeois intellectuals who are , as a rule , in very precarious economic condition . The independence League , recently formed by the left wing leaders of the Congress , is at present the political leader of this revolutionary nationalist mass . The League also held its meetings during the sessions of the Congress . But
Class Struggle