Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Mao Thought
revolution , attempted to utilise it for its own aims , limiting its scope by directing it in the main along the line of territorial conquests . The struggle between the Rights and the Lefts in the Kuomintang in this period was an expression of these contradictions . The attempt of Chiang Kai-shek to expel the communists from the Kuomintang in March , 1926 , was the first serious attempt of the national bourgeoisie to curb the revolution . It is well known that the C . C . of the CPSU ( B ) already then considered it “ necessary to carry out a line of keeping the Communist Party within the Kuomintang ,” and that it considered it necessary “ that matters must be so arranged as to secure the resignation or expulsion of rights from the Kuomintang ” ( April , 1926 ).
This was a line of the further development of the revolution , of close cooperation of the Lefts and the Communists within the Kuomintang and within the National Government , of the consolidation of the unity of the Kuomintang and simultaneously an exposure and isolation of the Rightwing Kuomintang elements , of subjugating the Rights to the discipline of the Kuomintang , the utilisation of the Rights , their connections and their experience in so far as they are subject to the discipline of the Kuomintang or the expulsion of the rights from the Kuomintang in so far as they break this discipline and betray the interests of the revolution .
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The subsequent events fully confirmed the correctness of this line . The powerful development of the peasant movement and the organisation of peasant unions and peasant committees in the countryside , the powerful strike-wave in the towns and the formation of Councils of Trade Unions , the victorious advance of the national troops on Shanghai , which was besieged by the navy and troops of the imperialists — all these and similar such facts testify to the fact that the line adopted was the only correct line .
Only this circumstance can explain the fact that the attempts of the Rights in February , 1927 , to split the Kuomintang and create a new centre in Nanchang suffered defeat in face of the united rebuff of the revolutionary Kuomintang in Wuhan .
But this attempt was an indication of the fact that a regrouping of class forces was taking place in the country , that the Rights and the national bourgeoisie were not keeping quiet and that they would intensify their work against the revolution .
The C . C . of the CPSU ( B ) was , therefore , right when in march , 1927 , it said that : a ) “ At the present moment , with the regrouping of class forces and the concentration of imperialist armies , the Chinese Revolution is living through a critical period and that its further victories are possible only if a
definite line towards development of the mass movement is adopted ; b ) It is necessary to take to the course of arming the workers and peasants , and converting the peasant committees in the localities into actual organs of power with armed self-defence ; c ) The communist party must not screen the treacherous and reactionary policy of the Right-wing Kuomintang elements and must mobilise the masses round the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party for an exposure of the rights .” ( March 3 , 1927 )
It can , therefore , be easily understood that in the future the powerful sweep of the revolution on the one hand , and the onslaught of the imperialists in Shanghai on the other , cannot but throw the Chinese national bourgeoisie into the camp of counter-revolution , while the seizure of Shanghai by the national troops and the strikes of the Shanghai workers cannot but unite the imperialists for stifling the revolution .
This was just what happened . The Nanking shootings served in this respect as a signal for a new demarcation of fighting forces in China . By the shooting in Nanking and by presenting ultimatums , the imperialists wanted to say that they were seeking the support of the national bourgeoisie for a common struggle against the Chinese Revolution .
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