consciousness which distinguishes some part of the petty bourgeoisie reflects the divided and indefinite position of the class . It has none of the consistency of the political consciousness of such comparatively homogeneous classes as the working class or even the peasantry . The line of petty – bourgeoisie is always to vacillate and follow that class which seems for the moment to be victorious . Individuals from petty bourgeoisie class can and do perform useful service for the mass revolution , but not as members of that class .
The Workers and Peasants
Among the masses the industrial working – class must take leading place . In spite of comparatively small numbers , the working class inevitably will take the lead in the revolutionary struggle .
The principle motive power of social progress in the modern period lies in large scale industry . The industrial town is the leader in society today . The village can only follow . The peasantry represents a backward reactionary mode of production which is deemed to disappear . Such a class can hardly take the lead in a movement of social advance .
In consequence of its mode of production and life , the peasantry is culturally more backward than the working-class and being directly confronted with Capitalism working class achieves a more thorough understanding of the nature of the modern society than the peasantry . It acquires further a more complete class consciousness . It can form general ideas and policies and fight for them . The peasantry on the contrary is condemned to a relatively narrow range of interests . General political policies will not readily penetrate its understanding . They will readily join together and fight against their own exploiter , money lender or landlord but only with much greater difficulty will they organise over large areas as a class to fight the landlords as a class . The working class on the other hand very easily acquires a national and even an international class consciousness . ( The 1857 Indian freedom struggle was firmly supported by the Chartists
16 in England ). In view of its more developed culture if the two classes are associated , the working class inevitably takes the lead .
Further in the contrast to the peasantry , the working – class is more homogeneous class . There is very little clash of interests between different strata of the working – class , as there is between different strata of the peasantry . The working class is concentrated and disciplined to act as a united force by the conditions of its life and work , in a way that neither the peasantry nor any other class can be . It is given by its experience of exploitation a more complete understanding of the nature of the economic and political system . It therefore comes to be imbued with a more thorough revolutionary outlook than any other class . All these considerations go to show that the consciousness understanding and revolutionary determination of the working class must be superior to those of the peasantry .
Finally the working class is placed in such a position in control of strategic points- the big towns , the decisive parts of the productive system , the transportation and lines of communication etc of society that the force of its attack is immensely greater than the relative weight of its numbers .
In India the working class though backward is far in advance of that of peasantry , as are also its political experience and consciousness . We conclude therefore that the working class can and will be leading class in the Indian revolution . While the peasantry will establish for the revolution the indispensible base in the country by seizing the land and overthrowing the feudal – capitalist system of exploitation in operation there .
Gandhism
We oppose Gandhism . We oppose it because it is a complete and well-thought-out system of bourgeois national reformism . This system like any reformist programme has two sides , one the achievement of reforms by peaceful and constitutional means , the other the opposition to revolution , and of the latter is as usual in practice the most important . Mr . Gandhi , with the advantage of his reputation as a saint , which gives him great power over the masses , and the like , has enabled him to become the representative and spokesman of the Indian national bourgeoisie .
By means of Gandhism , the bourgeoisie is able to mobilize mass support to a far larger extent than it would otherwise dare to do . It claims to speak in the name of the peasants , because of the khaddar programme and because it has ventured from time to time to launch limited and strictly safeguarded no-tax campaigns . It even claims to speak for the workers on the strength of the tame unions , especially of textile workers at Ahmedabad . The influence of Gandhism on the working-class is not inconsiderable . It is most intense in Ahmedabad , but is found to a certain extent over the country . And it is a most reactionary influence .
In relation to the peasants , the policy of Gandhism shows its reactionary character and seeks support mainly in the ranks of the rich peasants . It is confined to the ryotwari areas which constitute less than half the area of British India . In the zamindari areas , the propaganda of Gandhism is mainly concerned with open advocacy of class-collaboration and the unity of interests between the peasants and the zamindars .
Generally the anti – revolutionary character of Gandhist policy and tactics is confirmed by all its prominent features : the absence of an aggressive or militant attitude (“ love your enemy ”) - the adoption of “ passive ” resistance , “ Civil ” Disobedience etc , the tactics of offering oneself for arrest , “ filling the jails ” and so on , which have the effect of assisting Imperialism to remove from the arena of struggle with the minimum of difficulty all the most active and conscious men etc . etc ., ( Key Excerpts from the Joint Statement of 18 Communists accused in Meerut Conspiracy Case delivered under Com Muzaffar Ahmad editorship )
( Reference Book : ‘ Communists Challenge Imperialism from the Dock ’ ( pp . 81-90 , 93 , 98-102 , 268-269 .) �
Class Struggle