originally from the conditions of material production and only much later were they established as laws . It is thus these various forms of the division of labour became so many bases of social organisation ”. [ Quoted from Poverty of Philosophy , Karl Marx , Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy , edited by TB Bottomore and Maximilien Rubel , p105 ] This shows Dr Ambedkar was closer to Marx than most of the ideologies . On the same paper he asserted that , “... at the outset ... Hindu society , in common with other societies , was composed of classes and earliest known are ( 1 ) Brahmans or the priestly class ; ( 2 ) the Kshatriyas , or the military class ; ( 3 ) the Vaishyas , the merchant class ; and ( 4 ) the Sudra , or the artisan and menial class ”. [ Castes in India ..., p17-18 ]. He then discussed how the caste system evolved and said : “ This subdivision of a society is quite natural . But the unnatural thing about these subdivisions is that they have lost the open-door character of the class system and have become self-enclosed units called castes .” [ ibid , p18 ] But he lost clue about how could the Varna division which was a type of class division become caste division . His explanation was that the Brahmans at first got themselves secluded into a caste , then others followed suit . The Vaishyas and Sudras as “ inchoate plasm ” got divided according to occupations . In his explanation the contradiction between productive forces and relation of production had no place . So , in his understanding , though he defined ‘ caste ’ as ‘ closed class ’, abolition of caste was not connected with the change in existing production relations . This difference created a big gap between Dr Ambedkar and Marxists . Both , Dr Ambedkar and the Marxists of India turned out as contenders to win over the oppressed caste people , since both were working for abolition of castes . Their policies differed . While Ambedkar believed his objective could be fulfilled democratically
March - 2024 through constitutional means , Marxist felt abolition of caste like abolition of class can be achieved through revolutionary change in society . Here we are limiting ourselves to the theoretical understanding only , not evaluating practical activities of both the sides on this question .
However , Dr Ambedkar was not opposed to class struggle , while many of his present-day followers try to make people believe the opposite . The founder of the first trade union in India , Bombay Millhands Union , Narayan Lokhande was a follower of Ambedkar . Ambedkar himself was directly associated with trade union movement . He was leader of the peasant struggle against Khots . He had even formed party , Independent Labour Party to connect the oppressed castes with the labour movement as a whole . Throughout his life he tried to advance the cause of the oppressed castes ( in his vocabulary ‘ Depressed Classes ’) through constitutional means using legal procedures . So , when he was elected to the Constituent Assembly the sophisticated ruling classes led by Nehru tried to assimilate him to ruling class first by making him Law Minster , and then the Chairman of the Drafting Committee for the Constitution of India . In the Constituent Assembly , while discussing the Draft Constitution he had more than often expressed that the Constitution was assuring political equality . ( according to him ‘ one man one vote ’), but not economic and social equality . He even warned that if that contradiction is not resolved there would be a Soviet type of revolution . All these and the role of Soviet Union against fascism created a positive impression about Soviet Marxists among the followers of Dr Ambedkar . He was aware of it . Moreover , he could not be assimilated into the Congress . So , after the Constitution was passed , he was pushed to the side . And he faced the worst experience in his life in the 1952 General Election . He had to contest from Bombay North
Constituency as a candidate of the Scheduled Castes Association . His opponents were from the Congress , the CPI and the Hindu Mahasabha . The Congress candidate Narayan Sadoba Kajrolkar , who himself was an assistant to Dr Ambedkar , and also from a backward caste , won the election . Dr Ambedkar came fourth in the race . It was a result that surprised all Indians . He lost again when he contested a by-election the same year from Bhandara . These had a tremendous effect on him . He found that he had a limited , almost no scope to utilise the constitutional method . As a constitutional democrat he had strong reservation with the communists . He started searching for some other method . FINALLY , HE OPTED TO CONVERT TO BUDDHISM WHICH FROM ITS ORIGIN HAD NO PLACE FOR CASTE DIVISION . BUT AS A LEADER OF THE DEPRESSED CLASSES HE FACED A PROBLEM . SINCE THE COMMUNISTS W ERE ALSO PROPAGATING AGAINST CASTEISM , MOREOVER THE ROLE OF SOVIET UNION IN DEFEATING FASCISM AND SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF CHINESE REVOLUTION HAD POSITIVE IMPACT ON HIS FOLLOWERS , HE HAD TO EXPLAIN HIS POSITION TO HIS FOLLOWERS TO STOP THEM SHIFTING THEIR LOYALTY TOWARDS THE VIEWS OF MARX . SO , THIS WAS A DESPERATE ATTEMPT BY A DISHEARTENED GENIUS . HE HAD TO DEFEND HIS UNDEFENDABLE ACTION BY PITTING BUDDHA AGAINST MARX BEFORE DEATH STOPPED HIS SEARCH FOR A CONCRETE PATH FOR THE ABOLITION OF CASTE .
The article conveys Dr B . R . Ambedkar ’ s understanding of political and social concepts and his world outlook . Nevertheless , his contribution to the society and Indian people cannot be refused or neglected . He will remain in the hearts of Indian downtrodden people .
� 9