CS Aug 2022 | Page 24

community . If this question of characterization of Indian society cannot be settled through debate and discussion , how can this be the basis for the unity of communist revolutionaries ? One who argues that the unity is fragile without settling this debate actually puts the question of revolutionary seizure of power in backburner and cannot be considered as revolutionary . The revolutionary party formulates a programme for revolution in a given social condition , but the implementation of programme itself is always in a flux as the given situation is always in a flux and in constant motion . The theory and practice is a dialectical relation , and it is very difficult to justify one ’ s praxis in consonance with theoretical formulations in a mechanistic format . If there is always a mismatch between the theory and practice , why the question of unity should not be addressed from practical situation ? Before dwelling briefly on what practical situation actually means , I would like to mention that revolutionary praxis based on Marxism as a guide to action is not like natural science where we can wait decades after decades for laboratory experiments to validate the once formulated theory for being compatible with observations or wait for a moment of paradigm shift when the large number of observations becomes incompatible with the theory . In Marxian sense , we have an agenda for revolution or seizure of power which is not determined by theory and praxis alone , but by the society in change and in motion . This places us in a position where concrete analysis of concrete situation , unlike natural science , becomes a continuous process for formulating the concrete task . The task of achieving the revolutionary unity is dictated by such concrete analysis of concrete situation , otherwise apparently moral standpoint of achieving programmatic unity is actually a reformist standpoint . I designate this as a practical question . 24
What Lenin said about revolution in ‘ State and Revolution ’ is true , though in its entirety , the content of the book should not be considered as Gospel and Lenin himself changed his position at a later stage on various issues . Lenin said , “ Revolution can never be forecast ; it cannot be foretold , it comes of itself . Revolution is brewing and is bound to flare up ”. He further said , “ To the Marxist it is indisputable that a revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation ; furthermore , it is not every revolutionary situation that leads to revolution .”
It won ’ t be wrong if I dogmatically adhere to Lenin ’ s definition of revolutionary situation . Lenin emphasized three criteria for assessment of revolutionary situation . Let us examine the criteria one by one .
One , “ when it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change , when there is a crisis , in one form or another , among the upper classes , a crisis in the policy of the ruling class , leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the classes burst forth ”. Almost all the revolutionary formations agree that Indian ruling class is treading the path to change the character of the Indian state to fascism or authoritarianism . What else does it mean if it is not the indication that both upper and lower classes are unable to rule and willing to be ruled in old way . Can we not see the fissures emerging within the ruling dispensation ?
Two , “ when the suffering and want of the oppressed classes have grown more acute than usual ”. Is there anyone in Communist camp who denies this fact ? The answer is in the negative .
Three , “ when , as a consequence of the above causes there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses , when uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in “ peace time ”, but in turbulent times , are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis and by the upper classes themselves into independent historical action ”. Any keen social observer can observe the deepening restlessness hitherto absent within the north Indian society which has always been the pivot of hegemonic control of Indian system by the Indian ruling classes . Is not the policy shift of Indian Government towards aggressive pan- Indian statist drive of evacuating and displacing the people from prime land and installations to support both the corporate market forces with property and cheap labour and simultaneously promoting rentier neo-feudalist class are marked by the crisis situation and upper class action ?
As Gramsci underlined the importance of “ Southern Question ” in Italy , the great legacy of Naxalbari peasant uprising should not be a barrier for the communist revolutionaries to take stock of the pan- Indian situation as well as the changes in northern heartland of Indian ruling system . The emphasis on programmatic unity evades the real question of concrete analysis of concrete situation and becomes a reformist standpoint at its core . In the backdrop of deepening systemic crisis and people ’ s rising anger , the revolutionaries should and must rise above all small or big party sectarianism and narrow vision from the experience gathered from a limited space , and take genuine , sincere and visible effort for unity which will give a boost to the morale of workerspeasants and section of disillusioned middle class .
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