CS Aug 2022 | Page 20

Some Hindu religious organizations such as the RSS have imposed a condition on their members not to become members of any caste organization . However , they have not rejected caste discrimination .
( 7 ) The role of caste is more dominant in the political and social spheres . In the regions where capitalism has not developed , the economic influence of caste remains intact . Where capitalism has developed ( may be villages or towns ) the ideological influence of caste continues to be powerful . The political power of the landlords is more tightened where feudalism still continues to exist . Villages seem to be the vote banks of some parliamentary parties . No Parliamentary party chooses its candidates without considering the majority caste of the concerned constituency . Even where there is a victory wave for a particular political party , the above factor is taken into account without fail . The caste organizations which have emerged independently ( Vanniyar Sangam , Nadar Sangam , etc .) have finally joined some political parties . In every region the organizations consisting of the majority caste continue to be the influential parliamentary party there . Finally , these caste organizations give the right of political power to the upper classes of their respective castes to rule over their lower classes .
( 8 ) The caste system is a part of the pre-capitalist form of production . But , when a nationality emerges as a nation , it develops itself with the help of the capitalist mode of production ; So , the caste discrimination existing within the nationality becomes an obstacle to the development of that nationality during the capitalist phase . Hence , the movements which aim at expediting the development of their nationalities have to oppose caste organizations . These two are mutually interrelated . The earlier victories of Periyar show this . When the forces leading the nationality movement
20 made compromises with castes ideologically , and also in practice with caste organizations , they failed . The anti-caste struggles of the movements which had , accepted casteism as mere Brahmanism , having in mind only the cultural influence of caste , finally shrank to mere anti-Brahmin and pro non-Brahmin upper caste struggles . Afterwards , the principle of representation to all the forces in the nationality disappeared .
( 9 ) Demands for job reservation for the educated and reservation in education are the demands of caste organizations . The difference in the nature of the above demands during the 1920s and today should be clearly seen . Job Reservation is always a fake concession given by the ruling classes to recruit their administrative colleagues from among their castes . During the 1920 ’ s the education for jobs was urban-oriented . But , today , education has also become village oriented ; lower class people also do have it . Now-a-days the nature of this demand has changed . It is a fact that Job Reservation is a fake concession given by the ruling classes ; it is also a fact that it has become an immediate demand of the lower castes . However , they should be seen as the by product of the struggles waged by the lower caste people . The demand of Job Reservations and the related struggles are being utilized to preserve caste organizations . In the process of raising class consciousness among the basic working classes belonging to these caste organizations , these struggles should be developed as class struggles .
( 10 ) There are three approaches to casteism : ( a ) Approach of the Ruling Class : The caste system paves the way for their exploitation . They utilize , in the guise of job reservation , the talented youths among the Scheduled and Backward castes to serve them . They never demand the abolition of caste . They consolidate their social base by preserving the caste system .
( b ) Approach of the Middle Classes : These classes also never demand the abolition of caste . They want that caste discrimination should be given up and equality should be brought forth . The petti-bourgeoisie belonging to the middle strata in some castes and to the upper classes of lower castes think that caste discrimination can disappear if they improve their respective castes . They liberally think that only through some reforms like job reservation , seat reservation in education , etc . can everyone in their castes rise to a higher level . ( c ) Approach of the Proletariat : The proletariat stands for the abolition of castes . It sees caste oppression as a part of total oppression .
From a proletarian standpoint one can put forward two solutions to abolish castes : ( a ) Long-Term Solution : Abolition of castes is possible only when the economic and cultural elements of caste are destroyed . The People ’ s Democratic Revolution will see the seizure of political power and the economic basis will be changed . But , even then , the ideological dominance of caste will be there . If a cultural revolution which can establish equality among people by abolishing caste is not carried out , the fruits of revolution cannot sustain . Only through this long term struggle , can the cultural dominance of caste be destroyed . ( b ) Immediate Programme : When we say that only through the People ’ s Democratic Revolution , can caste be abolished , we should also support the demands for the abolition of untouchability , for educational reservation and job reservation . Though they are not permanent solutions , they may be useful to mobilize the common people concerned with these problems to participate in this just struggle . So , while we oppose , reformism , we should mobilize people by putting forward their immediate social , economic and political demands .
Class Struggle