CONTEMPORARY EURASIA VOLUME VIII (1) ContemporaryEurasia81 | Page 101

NAREK SUKIASYAN hamper the possibility of achieving positive peace between Armenians and Azerbaijanis “changing the minds of men”. Since 1988, around 25,000 casualties have been reported 69 , even though the number varies in various sources. In May 1994, a ceasefire was established between Armenia, Nagorno Karabakh and Azerbaijan 70 through Russian mediation. Nevertheless, the conflict remains unsettled. To the present day, Nagorno Karabakh is a de facto state with functioning institutions, lacking any international recognition (even from Armenia). This leads us to conclude that the strategy did not succeed in bringing about peace between the societies. In fact, it was “the beginning of new bitterness” 71 that has become “an incentive to ethnic polarization”. 72 Next, when it comes to the institutional morality of the right to secede as a mode of settling interethnic conflict, the Karabakh case seems to fit the remedial right category. Armenians of Karabakh (and beyond) consider the territory’s incorporation into the Azerbaijani SSR as an historic injustice. The accumulated perceptions of further injustices within the NKAO culminated when acts threatening their physical survival were committed. The peculiarities of Armenian historical interpretations and narratives played a key role in this regard 73 . Particularly, “The terms “massacre,” “pogrom,” and even “genocide” became current, and immediate, spontaneous associations with 1915 were made everywhere. The Azerbaijanis, related by race, language, and culture to the Turks, became in Armenian minds the same heartless people who had participated in the genocide of 1915”. 74 Even though Horowitz is highly critical of secession as a strategy for conflict management or resolution, he agrees that, ‘remedial right’ to secede is a more cautious case, as a “last-ditch response to discrimination or oppression by a central government” 75 – which seems to be the case in Nagorno Karabakh. The pogroms of Sumgait and Baku, the reported attempts of siege against the NKAO and the numerous occurrences of violence against civilians mentioned above may serve as justification for Armenians to claim the right for remedial secession. The first president of Armenia, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, explains that “Under that [remedial secession] doctrine, if a state systematically violates 69 В Азербайджане подсчитали погибших в Карабахской войне [The number of deaths in the Karabagh war was counted in Azerbaijan], Lenta.ru, January 13, 2014, https://lenta.ru/news/2014/01/13/list/. 70 The Bishkek Protocol, Bishkek, 5 May 1994. 71 Horowitz, “The Cracked Foundations of The Right to Secede”, 9. 72 Ibid,12. 73 Kaufman, Ethnic Fears and Ethnic War in Karabakh, 32. 74 Richard G. Hovannisian, “Historical Memory and Foreign Relations: The Armenian Perspective” in The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia, ed. Frederick Starr (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1994): 241. 75 Horowitz, “The Cracked Foundations of The Right to Secede”, 18. 101