--classstrugggle-flipmag CS May-2019 MKP | Page 9

the apparatus for the repression of the exploited masses. So they are parties that interpret in a nationalist sense the freetrade policy (national-free- trade policy), with a clear tendency to economic protectionism, to the cuts to social expenditure, to institutional conservatism and to the war policy abroad. The nefarious role of social- democracy A particular role in the spread of nationalist ideas and in the clouding of the workers’ conscience is played by the socialdemocratic leaders, genuine specialists in the spreading of confusion and division in the ranks of the working class. For many decades the social- democratic leaders covered their nationalism with talk about “our common western values” and Europeanism, spreading concepts and programs better fitting the requirements of monopoly capital. In the last years the music has changed and their nationalist policy has revealed itself, especially towards foreign workers. Gradually the social-democrats have opened the way to the fascists and racists, stating that they were no longer dangerous. Today the social-democrats enter into direct competition with the nationalist and fascist right-wing forces that are acting openly and are spreading their delirious chauvinist and xenophobic discourses. The social-democratic and reformist ministers have even managed to criminalize altruism and solidarity, as with the NGOs that save the lives of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea. In all countries the leaders of the social-democratic parties support the measures of the exploiting classes and apply them directly when they are in the government. They demand great sacrifices from the workers in the April, May - 2019 name of “national unity”, “sense of duty”, etc. In every country they share with the right-wing parties the policy of keeping the migrants far from their boundaries, at the cost ofhavoc of the sea and crimes in the detention camps. In all countries they cover the imperialist wars of aggression with their sugary rhetoric, presenting them as “humanitarian” actions or “struggles against terrorism”. Without the aid of the social- democratic and reformist parties, the bourgeoisie could not conduct its anti-workers, reactionary and warmongering policy. Social- democracy is based on nationa- lism, not on proletarian inter- nationalism. This political movement has always adopted nationalism to instill bourgeois patriotic sentiments into the minds of the working class, celebrating the victories in the imperialist wars, exalting the values of the bourgeois armed forces, spreading the cult of love for the imperialist fatherland, etc. Therefore there is no essential difference between the demagogy of the social- democratic leaders and that of the bourgeois nationalists. They both strive with every means to keep the working masses away from the class struggle against the capitalists, divide and corrupt the workers and poison the popular masses with their reactionary ideology. Both undermine the class conscience of the exploited with their demagogy about “common national interests”. Both try to present the interests of the capitalists and those of the workers as one and the same. The rise of bourgeois nationalism is parallel to the sharpening of the crisis of old social-democracy (as in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, etc.). This crisis, started in the 1980s and destined to last a long time, is the result of the end of the “Golden Age of capitalism” and of the predominance of the free-trade policy, to which social democracy has adjusted itself with a policy of submission to the financial oligarchy, with the liquidation of the Welfare State, with a series of counter-reforms, with the weaken- ing of the mass tradeunions. This has led substantial sectors of the workers and the working masses to lose confidence in the social-democratic parties, to criticize them harshly and to abandon them on the electoral and organisational level. Today the mass discontent is captured by the populist and fascist right-wing parties, which use aggressive nationalism as one of the major vehicles of their policy. Also from this point of view we must denounce the fact that the social- democrats have opened the door to the rising wave of bourgeois nationalism. The two phenomena are interlinked. It is foreseeable that the more unprejudiced social-democratic sectors will move to a further right- wing position, establishing their own nationalism and fascistisation (in the form of a “left”, “radical” nationalism, etc.), manipulating some backward sectors of the proletariat and co-operating with the forces of the more extreme reaction. The “defence of national unity” with the imperialists As we have already said, nationalism is one of the methods preferred by the ruling classes in order to divide and immobilize the workers and take them out of the revolutionary struggle against the bourgeoisie, through the spreading of ideas and doctrines aimed at weakening and denying the struggles of the exploited and oppressed classes against capitalism, and replacing them with the struggle among the exploited and oppressed people. 9