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Professor Richard Lester.
Image: Justin Knight/MIT News
MIT stands firm
University defends Saudi Arabian ties
in wake of journalist’s murder.
By Loren Smith
A
s the reverberations of the Jamal Khashoggi murder
continue, Saudi Arabia has found an ally: MIT. The top
university has released a report declaring it wishes to
Table 1: Current MIT activities enabled by Saudi collaborations
and financial support.
Type of activity
Sources of support
1. SPONSORED RESEARCH
PROGRAMS
Share of total
expenditures
(FY16-18)
52%
Aramco
SABIC
K ACST (King Abdulaziz
City for Science and
Technology)
K AUST (King Abdullah
University of Science
and Technology)
KFUPM (King Fahd
University of Petroleum
and Minerals)
Imam Abdulrahman Bin
Faisal University
2. GIFT-ENABLED ACTIVITIES
Jameel Poverty Action
44%
Community Jameel
Lab (1- PAL)
Jameel Water and Food
Community Jameel
Systems Lab (J-WAFS)
Jameel World Education Lab
Community Jameel
(J- WEL)
Jameel Clinic for Machine
Community Jameel
Learning in Health (J-Clinic)
Ibn Khaldun Fellowship
KACST
Program for Saudi Women
Student scholarships and
Various
fellowships
3. OTHER PROGRAMS
Industrial Liaison Program
memberships
Executive and professional
education programs
4
4%
Aramco, SABIC,
Olayan Financing Group
Various
continue its relationship with Saudi Arabia, despite the kingdom’s
egregious human rights violations, of which the Khashoggi murder
is just the latest.
Penned by Professor Richard Lester, associate provost for
international activities, the report, ordered by the university
president Rafael Reif in October, begins by detailing the extent
of MIT-Saudi Arabia collaboration. It falls under three categories:
sponsored research (the largest one), philanthropic relationships,
and miscellaneous activities. A majority of institutions in all three
categories are either fully or partially state-owned.
“Regarding MIT’s Saudi activities,” Lester wrote, “I recommend
the following course of action:
1. We should continue to welcome outstanding Saudi students and
researchers, as well as appropriate Saudi visitors, to our campus.
2. I recommend against terminating any of our existing
engagements with private Saudi donors and sponsors.
3. I also recommend against terminating our relationships
with the Saudi government agency KACST, the state-owned
enterprise Aramco, and SABIC, a public company majority-
owned by the state.”
Lester acknowledged that the third point was particularly
controversial, given the companies’ government ties. Yet he
defended his position on the basis that they were not directly
implicated in Khashoggi’s murder.
On the contrary, he argued that Saudi donors and research
partners work with MIT “on terms that honour the institute’s
principles and comply with our policies”. Lester even made a case
that MIT aids Saudi women, in that those who work or study at
the institute “will surely be at the vanguard of social change in
that country”.
In an earlier open letter in The Tech, the campus newspaper,
a group of political science students presented the opposite
view: “At this point, MIT’s continued collaboration with the Saudi
government sends the message that human rights violations
can be overlooked in favour of financial considerations … And
it enables the regime to profit off of MIT’s reputation. This both
grants the kingdom impunity and damages MIT’s reputation.”
This view is shared by many. Once widely vaunted by Western
leaders as a progressive, the country’s de facto leader, Crown
Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), is increasingly coming under
attack for his ignoble pursuits. Saudi Arabia is estimated to have the
fourth highest rate of executions in the world. While women are
now allowed to drive, they remain unable to travel freely without a
male guardian’s permission and are subject to a strict dress code.
MBS’s corruption purge is now seen as a mere power grab, and the
country’s bombing of Yemeni civilians is thought to be a human
rights atrocity.
What gave Lester and Reif pause for thought, however,
was that at the time of Khashoggi’s death, the university was
contemplating significantly expanding its ties with the kingdom.
Also, one of the alleged assassins visited MIT in March this year, as
a security aide to MBS.
The report was open for comment until 15 January, whereupon
Reif was due to make a final decision on the university’s ties with
the kingdom.
MIT is far from being the only institution with Saudi connections.
Many other colleges, not to mention countries and corporations,
have vested interests in the monarchy. ■