OPINION : FREE MOVEMENT IN AFRICA progress on free movement in Africa .
Address the reasons why countries impose visa requirements in the first place
In general , democratic countries impose visa requirements on citizens of other countries , for two main reasons : risk of overstaying , and security concerns ( organized crime , terrorism , persona non grata ). Based on my experience in international migration management , I would also add assessment of whether a source country ’ s citizenship system is secure , identity and travel documents difficult to obtain fraudulently , and whether she is able and willing to identify its citizens in the event that they overstay , commit crime or are involved in an accident or emergency situation . These are the main substantive reasons why countries require visas of other countries , and they are unlikely to lift visa requirements if they are not addressed .
There are two broad ways to address these issues . We can address them on the source country side , by improving the maturity of their civil registration and law enforcement capabilities . Alternatively , we can address them on the destination side , by finding ways to mitigate risks and issues in source countries , such as through sophisticated information sharing to identify high-risk prospective travelers , and trusted traveler programmes .
Free movement should be pursued in the context of trade agreements
Free movement encompasses three types of freedoms : visa-free entry for short visits ; right of residence , including the ability to work ; and the right of establishment , the ability to sell services or establish a business without discrimination based on nationality . The Abuja Treaty of 1991 envisioned that Africa ’ s regional economic communities ( RECs ) would establish common markets which would form the basis of a future continent-wide common market . What is important here is less the focus on which blocs will integrate first , but rather the link with the common market .
In my view , free movement is too often discussed in isolation , and is unlikely to be solved outside of economic integration more broadly . In other words , where free movement is stalled , it may well be because economic integration is stalled . It is also impractical for countries to draft , agree and ratify complicated agreements on labour mobility with countries with whom they do not have free trade agreements or common market arrangements . For this reason , developments in the Tripartite Free Trade Area ( TFTA ) and the Continental Free Trade Area ( CFTA ) negotiations , particularly on the free movement of people are worth following closely .
Look to regions , and even sub-regions , for progress
As an example , the Southern African Development Community ( SADC ), lags behind the Economic Community of West African States ( ECOWAS ) in freeing movement of people . As of December 2014 , ECOW- AS had implemented free movement , residence and establishment of ECOWAS citizens , in addition to having previously implemented an ECOWAS passport . TheSADC Protocol on the Facilitation of Movement of Persons has been ratified by only four of the required nine of SADC ’ s 15 member states , leaving member states to manage movement on their own .
Where progress is stalled at REC level , the free movement agenda need not languish . The history of the Schengen Agreement is instructive here . In the early 1980s , the European Community ( EC ) was slow to agree a mechanism for liberalizing movement . A subset of neighbouring countries – Belgium , France , Germany , Luxembourg , and the Netherlands – met and formed the Schengen agreement . Other countries joined later as its merits were proven , and eventually the European Union recognized and absorbed the Schengen Agreement . So if countries are unable to agree on measures to free movement at REC level because of differing political priorities , differing levels of development , as well as differing levels of maturity of civil registration and immigration management , then perhaps small groups of neighbouring countries should forge ahead and the rest can catch up later .
Quantify the benefits to encourage countries to free movement
It has long been argued that economic integration will be of positive benefit to all African countries . Occasionally these arguments are bolstered with figures , such as how Rwanda has increased tourism since implementing visas on arrival for African visitors . Still , when we talk about free movement , there are costs and risks for countries to consider . Countries may reasonably worry about how free movement will affect their labour market , housing prices or social spending . In the absence of strong evidence , policymakers may be reluctant to open up while big question marks remain .
There is , therefore , a need for rigorous research on the likely benefits and costs of free movement for African countries , which can be applied to the policy discourse . An institution like the African Development Bank , which routinely conducts independent , rigorous research on African development issues , as it did with the Visa Openness Index Report can play a critical role here . Quantifying the benefits in terms of GDP growth and employment may encourage African leaders to forge ahead , while surfacing the challenges and costs to mitigate and minimize .
Mandla Lionel Isaacs is Director of Research at the Ministry of Home Affairs in South Africa . He is a former strategy consultant at McKinsey & Company ’ s Johannesburg office .
2016 | Business Times Africa 19