Briefing Papers Number 21, March 2013 | Page 4

main government assistance program for low-income families trying to protect themselves from hunger. The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) operates several nutrition programs, but most of the resources go to SNAP. In recent years, with unemployment rates stuck between 8 percent and 10 percent, SNAP has worked as it was designed to. It has expanded to record-high participation levels, because more people than ever have needed to rely on the program.12 Technically, the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), which gives a boost to low-income workers, lifts more people above the poverty line than SNAP. The EITC serves a much different purpose, though—it comes in a lump sum tax refund after the household files its tax return for the previous year. This makes it better suited to paying down debts or making purchases that are out of reach in the monthly budget of someone living in or near poverty. SNAP, on the other hand, provides the day-to-day resources to keep food in the refrigerator. It’s not difficult to imagine improvements to SNAP, starting with benefits that last for the entire month and are enough to enable families to purchase healthy foods rather than cheaper, unhealthy alternatives. The majority of families who receive SNAP benFigure 3 efits cannot make them last the entire month. Eighty percent of benefits are redeemed within the first two weeks of the month.13 Less expensive, unhealthy foods are the inevitable tradeoff to shorten the duration of the time at the end of every month when there is little food in the house. The average family receiving SNAP benefits lives in “deep poverty,” meaning its income is less than half the poverty level. For a family of four, for example, this is $11,500 a year or less. In 2011, the year for which we have the most recent data, there were 7.2 million American children whose families earned below 50 percent of the poverty line.14 In 2011, 1.46 million U.S. households lived on income of less than $2 per person, per day, with 2.8 million children in these households.15 The number of families living at this level of poverty rises and falls depending on the state of the economy. But there is no doubt that every year, there are families in America trying to get by on less than $2 per person a day (that’s roughly $60 a month for housing, utilities, food, clothes, health care, and everything else). In 2011, SNAP effectively cut in half the number of people living on $2 a day.16 This is significant but not enough to eliminate hunger. About 50 percent of all U.S. children will, at some point before they turn 18, SNAP Cuts Extreme Poverty Significantly Number of non-elderly households with children with incomes below $2 per person per day according to U.S. Census Bureau’s Survey of Income and Program Participation 1.6 million 1.4 1.2 1.0 0.8 0.6 0.4 $2 per person per day $2 per person per day counting SNAP 0.2 0 June Feb. Oct. June Feb. Oct. ’96 ’97 ’97 ’98 ’99 ’99 1996-99 survey Source: CBPP, 2012 4  Briefing Paper, March 2013 Apr. Dec. Aug. Apr. Dec. ’01 ’01 ’02 ’03 ’03 2001-03 survey Apr. Dec. Aug. Apr. Dec. Aug. ’04 ’04 ’05 ’06 ’06 ’07 2004-07 survey Nov. July Mar. Nov. ’08 ’07 ’10 ’11 2008-11 survey live in a household that participates in SNAP.17 Research shows that children whose families received SNAP benefits were less likely to experience developmental delays than children in families with similar incomes that did not receive SNAP.18 The effects of hunger on children’s development begin in the womb. Babies whose mothers experience hunger during pregnancy are more likely to enter the world with a low birth weight.19 By elementary school, children who are hungry are four times more likely than non-hungry children to need mental health counseling, seven times more likely to get into fights frequently, and 12 times more likely to be involved in crime.20 By the time they are in high school, hungry children are twice as likely as their peers to have seen a psychologist, twice as likely to have been suspended from school, and more likely to be described as having difficulty getting along with other children.21 The school lunch and breakfast programs make a difference—but we can’t assume that this is enough to compensate for an empty refrigerator at home. Hunger is certainly related to why children decide to drop out of school. When children are hungry, they are unable to concentrate and unable to perform to their potential. The ladder of opportunity that we hope school will be for every child is pulled out from under these teens. Dropping out of high school is a decision that carries lifelong economic consequences: most people without high school diplomas are consigned to jobs at poverty-level wages. It’s a decision that will also affect the young person’s children, reducing, in turn, those children’s odds of escaping poverty. Adults who were malnourished as children are also more likely to have health problems than peers who were well nourished. Because low-wage workers are less likely to hold jobs with benefits such as health insurance, or paid sick leave, they fall even further behind financially when they or their children become ill and need medical attention. “Society, in turn, bears the costs of in-