Briefing Papers Number 18, June 2012 | Page 3

to drop, falling sharply during the U.S. recession, but migration flows have stabilized since 2009. Over the past decade, immigrants from this region were among the fastest-growing foreign-born populations in the United States — increasing by 90 percent between 2000 and 2011.9 Northern Triangle immigration has a variety of causes but is driven primarily by the combination of immigrants’ inability to satisfy their economic aspirations in their countries of origin, and conversely, labor opportunities in the United States. The jobs are mostly in construction, maintenance, food service, and agriculture. Migration is also to some degree self-sustaining—as immigrants become established in the United States, they can facilitate migration by family members and others from their home communities. In spite of a higher socioeconomic status than they had at home, Central American immigrants experience more poverty than the overall U.S. population. In 2009, about a quarter of Honduran and Guatemalan immigrants to the United States lived below the poverty line. Salvadoran immigrants, who are more likely to have authorized status, had an 18 percent poverty rate. All three rates were higher than the general U.S. poverty rate, which was 14 percent (see Table 3).10 Tacaná San Marcos Guatemala Part One: Remittances Weathering Hurricane Stan from Abroad In October 2005 Hurricane Stan hit Guatemala for days, pouring 20 inches of rain, flooding rivers, and knocking out roads and bridges.11 Entire villages were buried under torrents of mud and rock that fell down the slopes of Table 3  Socioeconomic Status of Northern Triangle Immigrants, 2009 Percentage living below poverty-line2 Percentage without high school degree3 El Salvador $19,715 19% 53% Guatemala $17,497 26% 55% Honduras $16,723 27% 49% Total U.S. $28,900 14% 13% Andrew Wainer Median individual income1 Isaías immigrated twice to the United States to support his family in the department of San Marcos, Guatemala. He worked as a greens-keeper on a golf course in Florida where he learned about large irrigation systems, a skill he has been unable to transfer to his own agricultural production because of a lack of local technology and know-how. www.bread.org Figure 2  San Marcos, Guatemala mountains and volcanos.12 The indigenous village of Panabaj, near Lake Atitlán, was so completely inundated that relief efforts were ended several days after the storm—despite the fact that hundreds of residents were still missing. The mayor declared the village a mass grave.13 The department of San Marcos, which borders Mexico in the country’s southwest, was among the most damaged by Stan (see Figure 2). Even before the storm, San Marcos was one of the most impoverished regions of the country: 85 percent of the population lived in poverty, while 62 percent lived in extreme poverty.14 San Marcos also suffered from economic inequality: 47 percent of the department’s land was held by 1 percent of the population, while smallholder producers possessed only 3 percent of the department’s total land.15 These economic realities meant that emigration was a longstanding tradition in San Marcos. So when the storm hit, San Marcos native Isaías had already been living in the United States for three months. While he was in the States, Isaías learned that his father had been killed in a landslide during Stan. He was desperate to return home, but weighing his economic prospects in the United States and in Guatemala, Bread for the World Institute  3