ASEBL Journal – Volume 11 Issue 2, Spring 2015
and created the aesthetic laying for further artification in the Human Revolution,
they would have produced a tendency to not be swayed by the art of someone
whose art we might find attractive, but whom we would avoid if we met him personally. This would have been evolved further with artification for ritualistic and
entertainment purposes. If certain songs or carvings were believed to help in a spiritual cleansing ritual or hunting exercise, but then the person who created them
turned out to be a rogue, philanderer or some other unsavory character, it might
give reason to believe his creations would distort the purpose of the art: for example, the sagas told to the group by a philanderer might come under suspicion as a
way to con or play listeners. Stories that were meant to teach group etiquette would
naturally be seen as ruined if their teller were discovered to be secretly breaking
such etiquette. And, as teaching devices, the quality of the information conveyed.
This importance of reputation and integrity of artists for beholders is seen in global
ethical and knowledge standards for story-telling. In indigenous literature, the relationship between the storyteller and audience is often just as important as the story
itself (Rose 2015), and in both traditional African societies and American First Nation societies, storytellers commonly need to pass approval queries before performing in order that their tales be satisfactorily rich in the cultural knowledge they impart and any moral points their tales should make. For example, it is common that
those who experience a situation firsthand “own” the story, and one must ask permission from the owner in order to tell the story, unless risking a form of plagiarism (Trafzer 1999). Storytellers in the Iñupiaq Nation in Alaska are often checked
by a person in the audience who serves to confirm narratives and details with nods
and affirmations (Schneider 1999). Further, the view of the artist by the viewer is
important in both purpose of art worldwide and their reputation, deserved or undeserved. In many traditional African societies, such as the Congolese Chokwe, the
standard of the storyteller is scrutinized in a different way, with the audience suggesting corrections or points about the tale if they think such alterations necessary
with an inadequate storyteller. It is common for audience members to criticize storytellers positively or negatively during a performance, encouraging storytellers
deemed wanting to finish early (Fretz 2004). This is also the case in the history of
Griot practice in Africa: the first Griots and Griottes were commissioned by nobles
to collect, retain and impart historical and cultural knowledge and teach titled
families, resulting in the practice becoming a specific profession, often inherited
(Niane 1989) (Tang 2007). As such, Griots and Griottes maintain culture and are
afforded high status, sometimes resulting in state funerals, or being featured on
postage stamps, such as Ban Zoumana Sissoko in Mali (Hale 1997), though tragically it has also resulted in fear of Griots in many parts of West Africa because of
concern that a Griot’s words might portend disaster (Lott 2002). Griots’ performances in West Africa contain spiritual and ethical elements distinct to local areas.
Where words are believed to hold magical powers and can affect the future, such
as in Dakar, Bamako and Niamey, this has resulted in centuries of fear and isolation of Griots because of fear that a Griot’s performance might have unfortunate
consequences for the listeners, with the worst cases resulting in people burying
Griots in trees instead of the ground for “fear of polluting the Earth” (Hale 1997,
250) (for more on the history of the term and misunderstanding of Griots and
Griottes, see Hale 1997).
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