Photo by VOA opposed to these attempts to reengineer the constitution . Their apprehension is mainly driven by suspicions that those behind the project are simply clothing the return of Amhara political , economic , military , and cultural domination in the garb of lofty-sounding ideals . This explains , in part , Oromo sympathy for Tigray ’ s cause . They are willing to put aside their grievances against the TPLF because they view these attempts to change the constitution as a threat to their interests .
Further , as the Federal Government directs state resources to the war effort , its ability to provide services to regional governments diminishes , and so does its ability to impose its authority there .
This begs the question : was the war intended to subdue Tigray to the authority of the Federal government worth it if , ultimately , it leads to the emergence of other defiant regions ? On this measure , again , the war appears to be achieving the opposite of its aims .
Eritrea ’ s vengeance
On its part , Eritrea has also forfeited its right to pursue its security interests beyond its claims on Badme . By insisting that Ethiopia needs a new constitution , Eritrea is overstepping the bounds of the sovereignty of a neighbouring country . This defeats the very precept of self-determination on which Eritrea itself is built . Eritreans would never allow foreigners to interfere in their sovereign matters – and rightly so .
Numerous accounts recall Meles Zenawi ’ s decision not to pursue the war against Eritrea in 2000 , even when his generals believed they could win and insisted on marching on Asmara to achieve regime change . Such accounts give insights into statesmanship that is guided by the principle that holds that every people have the right to determine who their leaders should be and what their political organisation should look like . Similarly , as Asmara would agree on matters to do with Eritrea , Ethiopians must be allowed the space to resolve their internal
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