“ If you open up stories to comments , then sometimes readers will say things that are threatening and rude ; and certain groups , such as women and writers who are not white , can have a difficult time , despite a skilful team of moderators who give them more protection than they are afforded on social media . Some writers hate it , and it ’ s hard to blame them .” ( Viner , 2013 )
The Guardian was struggling to protect its journalists from BTL abuse , and this was doing a lot to shatter the myth of ideal , participatory journalism . More needed to change if the myth was to stay alive for journalists .
In 2015 , Viner replaced Rusbridger as editor of the Guardian , and her approach to BTL comment spaces immediately seemed more cautious . The Guardian offered three solutions to journalists . The first was to remove anonymity from commentors . It was hoped that this might discourage uncivil discourse in BTL comment spaces . In 2015 , the Guardian removed complete anonymity from its users . While this did remove some of the worst abuse , it by no means removed it completely . Indeed , evidence has shown that anonymity is less a factor than most people imagine in online uncivil and abusive discourse ( Santana , 2014 ). The second was to remove BTL sections entirely from some articles . This was already common practice for articles on the most contentious topics , but this was gradually extended to more and more articles . Today , the majority of articles on the Guardian website are not open for comment . The third was to employ more moderators to manage comments instantly , and to allow users themselves to report inappropriate comments .
While these adaptations were largely successful in lessening abusive and aggressive content , they also moved the Guardian and its BTL comment sections far away from Rusbridger ’ s original vision . The myth of interactive journalism – free and open participation – had stopped working for journalists , and consequently changes were made that stopped it working for audiences . The utopian vision of democracy and collaboration seems at once no more .
PART IV - CYCLES Media change cannot be understood as separate from societal and cultural change . Both drive , reflect and repeat the other in seemingly endless cycles . In the same way , media change cannot be conceived of as a neat linear path from one media type to another . As media does not exist in a vacuum , and is only given significance by relationship with its audience and the society they exist in , such a straight-forward shift would be impossible .
Rusbridger was wrong , or at least hasn ’ t yet been proved right , about the upcoming obsolescence of printed newspapers . While this has been the fate of some newspapers , the Guardian continues to print , even while the Guardian ’ s online content thrives . Natale and Balbi ( 2017 ) note that such fantasies of obsolescence are often wrong – the nature of change cannot be so easily predicted and often defies explanation .
So too is it hard to predict how BTL comments will continue at the Guardian . Despite the difficulties they have afforded , the Guardian has not given up on BTL comment spaces . In 2016 , it requested ideas from readers about how comment spaces could be better utilised for productive , civil discussion , recognising that BTL spaces would need to evolve if they are to continue ( Hamilton , 2016 ). The myth of open , participatory journalism still drives the Guardian , though perhaps to a lesser extent than it did in previous years .
But BTL spaces should not be seen as a failed
SCHOOL OF THE ARTS 2021 / 2022
29