lity of their representation in the EU . The big bang enlargement actually added smoothness and improved functionality to the EU as a whole . For full representation is always better than partial representation .
I would also say that , in Poland , for example , the 2009 European election influenced the domestic political market in a positive way . The results suggested stability in voting patterns in the country . Previously , the political environment in Poland had been somewhat unpredictable , with big swings away from established parties towards alternative parties , and ongoing splits and mergers of key parties . In 2009 , the large national parties consolidated their positions , and smaller ones failed to make a breakthrough . The voters opted for a stable domestic political scene , perhaps also perceiving it as a sign of a desired Europeanisation and a retreat from the dog-eat-dog nature of national politics . In this sense , paradoxically , the fact that European elections were treated as an extension of domestic politics had a civilising effect on shaping the country ’ s political party system .
The 2009 elections were not groundbreaking or revolutionary in the way that the 2004 elections had been . They showed instead the consolidation of the new EU , the absorption of possible enlargement aftershocks as a form of learning how to ‘ be together ’. And , looked upon from this vantage point , they moved the needle toward continuation on the proposed spectrum of continuation and disruption . It is true , however , that , in those times , disruptive , anti-European parties had not yet become politically meaningful .
Campaign issues and the recent visibility of the EU in the context of pandemics , climate-related matters , and Russian aggression towards Ukraine point to a rather high turnout in 2024 . Also , the accumulated political power resulting from a number of electoral
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