bargaining power in interinstitutional relations , where both the Commission and the Council tend to be conservatively configured along the lines of national representation . For the European Parliament it was a watershed moment , in which it became a progressive counterpart .
Thus , any subsequent elections should be put on a spectrum of continuity , as a moment of consolidation or disruption of the EU ’ s evolutionary processes . It is my view that this evolutionary process between 2004 and 2009 was driven by a congruence between citizens ’ expectations and the institutional reforms that were to serve those expectations . It was also the beginning of the evolution toward a community of shared values where trust and solidarity were tested .
The 2009 elections came round very quickly and took place in the rather traumatic context of a global financial crisis . It can be said that they constituted a crucial test for the European institutions and the 27 Member States , which began to be measured according to how capable they were of solving problems that extended beyond national borders , impacting EU citizens and assuaging their anxieties about the climate , growth , energy and the rule of law . Some of these issues remain on the EU ’ s agenda to this day .
In the 2009 elections , turnout continued on its downward trend . I would venture to say , though , that what really should concern us was and is the discrepancy between different levels of citizens ’ interest in European elections in different countries . If we take 2009 , we see Member States with mandatory voting systems ( Luxembourg and Belgium ) where participatory rates were 90.76 % and 90.39 % respectively . The real issue is huge disparities among all other states where citizens themselves decide whether or not to vote . We see among them Malta , a new Member State with 78.79
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