solidarity concept , and in particular to achieve a good balance between attitudes of collective and individual solidarity .
The data on the 2004 elections in the eight post-communist states demonstrate huge differences in participation rates , from 16.97 % in Slovakia to 20.87 % in Poland and an average of 38.85 % in the Baltic republics . To a certain extent , these differences had a concrete historical basis . In the case of Slovakia , it is useful to remember that , owing to its political situation , it joined the accession group after a delay . In the Baltic states , historical and security-related factors played a role , while in Poland the perception of the general public was that an extraordinary pro-accession mobilisation had already taken place , at the time of the accession referendum , on 7-8 June 2003 .
The question is to what extent the 2004 elections could have added democratic legitimacy to the EU in the new Member States . In the old Member States , the European elections had already acquired significance as an instrument for the representation of citizens ’ interests . The political capital of the European Parliament was already appreciated there , while , in the new Member States , European integration had mostly been a matter for national governments which played publicly visible roles during the whole accession process .
One can say that the perceived importance of the European Parliament was reflected in a low turnout . But it is worth noting that the 2004 elections took place at the end of the period between 1999 and 2004 when participation rates across the EU had been declining generally . From dozens of academic articles taking into account a huge number of independent variables impacting voter turnout , only few seem sufficiently relevant to the 2004 elections in the new Member States . I would underline the fact that the 2004
125